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offenders. Almost all of the offences involved the use of a vehicle by the rapist.
Approximately 43% of the serial rapists used a con approach, 28% a blitz/sur-
prise approach, and 11% a quasi-acquaintance approach (method of
approach was unknown in 18% of the cases).

3.2 Serial Arson

Arson is a tremendously expensive and dangerous crime; sometimes it

is also an antecedent to serial and sexual murder. Arson resulted in over a
billion dollars in property loss (mean of $11,980 U.S. per fire) in the U.S.
during 1991, and was the second cause of death in residential fires (Sapp,
Huff, Gary, & Icove, 1994). The material cost of arson in New South Wales
was assessed at $65 million (Australian) during 1986, with a total economic
value, including incidental costs such as loss of business and productivity,
and rises in insurance premiums, of $260 million (Kocsis, Irwin, & Hayes,
1998). As with murder, there are serial, spree, and mass arsons.

A comprehensive study of serial arson was conducted by the U.S. Bureau

of Alcohol, Tobacco and Firearms (BATF, or more commonly, ATF) and the
FBI (Sapp et al., 1994; Sapp, Huff, Gary, Icove, & Horbert, 1994; Wright &
Gary, 1995). They examined 83 convicted serial arsonists, responsible for
2611 arsons (an average of 31.5 fires per arsonist), and 7 deaths by fire. The
ATF and FBI use a serial arson typology containing the following categories:
(1) vandalism; (2) revenge; (3) excitement; (4) crime concealment; (5) profit;
(6) mixed; and (7) mentally disordered. The Crime Classification Manual
(CCM) includes the extremist and excludes the mentally disordered category.

The vandalism arsonist sets fires for mischief, with the intent to destroy

property. These crimes often involve juvenile, prank, or gang activity, and
common targets include school property, abandoned structures, and vegeta-
tion. Their fires are set in familiar areas within 0.5 to 1 mile of their home.
They usually walk, but may drive to the crime scene.

The revenge arsonist seeks retribution for some perceived wrong that

may have occurred months or years in the past. This category includes the
subtypes of personal, group, institutional, and societal retaliation. Personal
revenge arson is usually directed against an individual’s home or vehicle.
Group revenge arson often targets churches, agency headquarters, meeting
places, and symbolic targets. Institutional revenge arson attacks government,
medical, religious, educational, and military structures. Society revenge arson
involves random targets, escalation, and serial offences. Sapp et al. (1994)
note that offenders harbouring a grudge against an institution or society may
feel the need for multiple acts of retribution because of the amorphous nature
of their target, resulting in a higher number of serial arsons. Revenge arsonists

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typically select targets from inside their comfort zone, within 1 to 2 miles of
their home, and walk to the crime scene.

The excitement arsonist desires thrills, recognition, or attention. Thrill

arsonists plan their crimes and crave the excitement surrounding fire and its
emergency response. This is the most dangerous type of arsonist. The excite-
ment can be sexual in nature, though this is rare. Recognition arsonists include
the “hero” type who reports the fire, warns or saves others, or helps in the fire
fighting. Attention arsonists feel the need to be important. Excitement arsonists
usually target familiar areas, within 1 to 2 miles of their home, and walk to the
crime scene. They need to set increasingly larger fires over time.

The crime concealment arsonist lights fires as a secondary act to hide

another crime, such as embezzlement, burglary, or murder (crime conceal-
ment is a major factor in arson homicide). This type of offender selects targets
in familiar areas. They typically walk to the fire scene, which is close by,
within 1 to 2 miles of their home. Accomplices are often involved.

The profit arsonist sets fires for monetary reasons. This category includes

individuals who set fires for insurance fraud or business reasons, and profes-
sional “torches” for hire. Their targets are preselected and often involve travel,
usually by vehicle or public transportation. Accomplices are usually involved.

The mentally disordered arsonist suffers from emotional or psychological

problems. The mixed motive arsonist displays a range of motivations for the
crimes. The extremist arsonist uses fire to further political, social, or religious
purposes. Typical targets include abortion clinics and animal laboratories.
Multiple offenders are common, and incendiary devices are often used, some-
times in an “overkill” manner. Sapp et al. (1994) state that power and revenge
appear to be important and general causal factors for the crime of arson that
cut across all types.

The serial arsonists in the ATF/FBI study were classified as follows: (1)

vandalism, 7.3%; (2) revenge, 41.4%; (3) excitement, 30.5%; (4) crime con-
cealment, 4.8%; (5) profit, 4.8%; (6) mentally disordered, 6.1%; and (7) mixed
motives, 6.1%. Revenge arsonists were broken down into personal retaliation
(14.7%), group retaliation (5.9%), institutional retaliation (20.6%), and soci-
etal retaliation (58.8%) subtypes. Excitement arsonists were broken down into
thrill (64%), recognition (16.0%), and attention (16.0%) seekers.

The most common reported reasons for fire setting were revenge

(63.9%), excitement (26.5%), emotional problems (22.9%), profit (12%),
vandalism (9.6%), and to hide another crime (4.8%).

18

 Stress, including

interpersonal conflicts and financial difficulties, was reported as a precipitat-
ing factor by 44.6% of the serial arsonists. The typical emotion felt by these
offenders during the arson was anger (33.3%).

18 

Percentages do not add to 100 as multiple responses were allowed.

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The typical serial arsonist was male (94%), white (81.9%), young (most

fires are set by juveniles), single (65.9%), nocturnal, and of average to above
average intelligence. Over half were labourers. Two-thirds described them-
selves as middle class and one-third as lower class. About half indicated they
came from dysfunctional families. Only 16.3 % of this groups lived alone,
but most lacked stability in their interpersonal relationships. A single family
house was the most common type of residence (42.9%), followed by apart-
ment (23.8%), and rooming house (18.1%). Tattoos (43.4%) and physical
disfigurements (22.9%) were relatively common. Approximately 25%
reported they were homosexual or bisexual. Accomplices to the arsons were
involved in 20.3% of the cases, most typically with crime concealment and
profit motivated offender types.

Most of this group had prior felony arrests (86.6%, 23.9% involving

arson), many with multiple felony arrests (63.4%). The first arson for this
group occurred at the mean age of 15 years; the arson recidivism rate is 28%.
The majority spent time in juvenile institutions (54.2%), often several times,
and most had been in county jails (67.5%). Half of these offenders had
psychological histories, over one third with multiple psychological problems.
One-quarter had attempted suicide.

Differing levels of planning were reported by the arsonists in this study.

Many responded that their fires were premeditated and planned (46.2%), oth-
ers said impulsive (35%), and a few opportunistic (12.8%). There was no
discernable pattern of target selection exhibited by these offenders. Reported
reasons included random selection (17.6%), prior knowledge (14.6%), conve-
nience (11.8%), within walking distance (5.9%), and multiple reasons (32.4%).

The serial arsonists in this sample were not particularly mobile; 95.1%

of the fires were set in areas familiar to the offender. Their crime trip distances
demonstrate both distance decay and the presence of a buffer zone (see
below): 20.3% set fires within 0.5 miles of their residence, 50% within 1 mile,
70% within 2 miles, and 86.3% within 60 miles; 6.8% travelled varying
distances, and 6.8% set fires in their home or institution. Most of them walked
to their crimes (60.8%), a few rode a bicycle (5.1%), and some drove a vehicle
(20.3%), though most did not own one. Also present in the sample were
mixed travel modes (6.3%), and cases where the offender was already at the
scene (7.6%). Fires were often set after work or school (42.5%), and occa-
sionally on the way to or from work or school (7.5%).

The most common targets in this study were residences (10.5%), often

porches or garages (26.5% of all residential arsons), businesses (18.1%), other
structures (14.6%), vehicles (16.3%), vegetation (16.5%), and other (e.g.,
dumpsters, trash cans, rags, etc.) (24%); structural fires accounted for 43.2%
of all the arsons. These results differ from UCR statistics, primarily because
nuisance fires are often set for excitement by serial arsonists. The comparable

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UCR figures are residences (34.1%), businesses (13.3%), other structures
(8.6%), vehicles (26.1%), vegetation and other (18%); structural fires
accounted for 55.1% of all UCR recorded arsons.

The majority of the fires were unsophisticated, set with material available

from the crime (58.9%) and ignited by matches, lighters, or cigarettes
(92.1%). Prior to the crime, almost half of these arsonists reported using
alcohol, and one third drugs. Several arsonists remained at the scene (31.4%);
others left but went to a place from which they could watch the fire (28.6%);
and many left the area completely (40%). Of those who left, over half (52.9%)
returned to the crime scene later, the majority within one hour (54%) and
almost all (97.3%) within 24 hours.

These offenders were often identified as suspects in the arsons prior to

their arrest. There was an 11% clearance rate for the arsons committed by
this group, and they were suspected but not charged in another 11% of their
fires. According to UCR data, the national arson clearance rate from 1982 to
1991 was 18.3%, suggesting that serial arson is a more difficult crime to solve.

When asked about their actions following an arson, 18.1% reported they

followed the case in the media, 20.4% communicated with either the police,
victim, or media, 13.3% set additional fires in the same location, 6% moved,
and 4.8% left town. Only a few (4.8%) stated they felt remorse or guilt. Many
(43.5%) did not consider the possibility of getting caught, and would not
have been deterred even if they had known arrest would be the outcome.
Serial arson appears to be a compulsive crime, and while the research did
not find an increase in frequency, it noted an increase in fire severity for most
(64.9%) offenders. Adults set more fires than did juveniles.

Pyromania is a rare disorder involving multiple episodes of purposeful

fire setting. The diagnostic criteria listed in the DSM-IV include: (1) multiple
deliberate fire setting; (2) tension or emotional arousal prior to the fire; (3)
fascination with and interest in fire and its contexts; (4) pleasure, gratifica-
tion, or relief when setting or witnessing fires; (5) the arsons were not set for
instrumental, revenge, or mentally disordered reasons; and (6) the behaviour
is not better explained by conduct disorder, manic episode, or ASPD diag-
noses (American Psychiatric Association, 1994).

Pyromaniacs are usually adult males with learning difficulties and poor

social skills. They are not psychotic and tend to plan their crimes and be
indifferent to the consequences of the fire, both in terms of property and of
life. They often watch fires, set off false alarms, and become involved to
varying degrees with local fire departments. Pyromania is episodic and the
fire setting may vary in frequency (American Psychiatric Association, 1994).
Sapp et al. (1994) question whether true pyromania actually exists, noting
that if it does, its occurrence must be very infrequent.

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Forensic Behavioural 

Science

Criminal investigation has direct comparisons to scientific research: both
processes involve data collection, observation, research (investigation), the
effort to establish truth, and the search for proof. Occam’s Razor, a basic
principle of science, states when multiple explanations for a phenomenon
exist, the simplest one should be chosen — a truism also in police investiga-
tion. The physical sciences have provided a variety of criminalistic techniques
for police investigators, including DNA comparisons, ballistics, fiber analysis,
and fingerprinting. It is only logical that the behavioural sciences be exploited
as well. This chapter analyzes the investigative difficulties associated with
criminal predators and introduces the forensic behavioural science approach.
Techniques of linkage analysis and other investigative techniques are discussed.
Criminal and geographic profiling are examined in separate chapters.

4.1 Investigative Difficulties

Here’s one clue/That you shall be given/Whoever I take./They all will be
women? …. 

Blood is red/You pigs are blue/Start counting victims?/There’ll be a few

Grass in green/The branches are dead/If you ever find her?/She’ll surely be
dead.

Like the rest/She shall be killed/Because her use/has been fulfilled

— Trial transcript of poem seized from Terrence Burlingham, convicted

of murdering two women in Cranbrook, British Columbia, during 1984

4