Файл: [D._Kim_Rossmo]_Geographic_Profiling(BookFi.org).pdf

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venue (inside vs. outside) for serial rapists. Inside rapes indicate planning
and suggest an offender with a previous criminal history, most probably
involving break and entry (see also Jackson et al., 1994). Outside rapes are
more likely to be spontaneous and opportunistic.

8.1.3 Target Backcloth

Target or victim backcloth is important for an understanding of the geomet-
ric arrangement of crime sites; it is the equivalent of a spatial opportunity
structure (Brantingham & Brantingham, 1993b). It is configured by both
geographic and temporal distributions of “suitable” (as seen from the
offender’s perspective) crime targets or victims across the physical landscape.
The availability of particular targets may vary significantly according to
neighbourhood, area, or even city, and is influenced by time, day of week,
and season; hence, the term structural backcloth is also used.

Because victim location and availability play key roles in the determina-

tion of where offences occur, nonuniform or “patchy” target distributions
distort the spatial pattern of crime sites. “A creature such as a field mouse,
whose food is randomly distributed, needn’t evolve complex foraging strat-
egies, whereas one such as a lion, whose food sources are indicated by clues
in the environment, will have an advantage if it can use sophisticated mental
abilities such as planning” (Douglas, 1999, p. 33). Victim selections that are
nonrandom, or based on specific and rare traits, require more searching on
the part of the offender than those that are random, nonspecific, and com-
mon (Davies & Dale, 1995a; Holmes & De Burger, 1988). For example, if an
arsonist prefers to select warehouses as targets, their availability and distri-
bution as determined by city zoning bylaws, has a strong influence on where
the crimes occur. If an arsonist has no such preferences, then the target
backcloth is more uniform as houses and buildings abound, at least in urban
areas. The target sites of a predator who seeks out prostitutes is determined
primarily by the locations of red-light districts, while the attack sites of a less
specific offender might be found anywhere.

A uniform victim spatial distribution means crime locations are prima-

rily influenced by the offender’s activity space; otherwise, crime geography
is more closely related to target backcloth. In the extreme cases of an arsonist
for hire or a contract killer, victim location totally determines crime site. A
consideration of victim characteristics thus plays an important role in the
development of an accurate geographic profile.

The target backcloth is influenced by both natural and built physical

environments as these affect where people live. Housing development is
determined by such factors as physical topography, highway networks,
national boundaries, city limits, land use, and zoning regulations. The Were-
wolf Rapist, Jose Rodrigues, lived in Bexhill on the south coast of Britain

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during his series of 16 sexual assaults. With no potential victims situated in
the English Channel to the south, he was forced to confine his attacks to
locations north of his residence, which resulted in a distorted target pattern.
It is sometimes possible to compensate for such problems through the appro-
priate topological transformation of the physical space within and surround-
ing an offender’s hunting area.

8.1.4 Crime Sites

There may be various sites involved in a serial murder, each with a slightly
different geographic meaning. These include: (1) victim encounter location;
(2) point of first attack; (3) murder scene; (4) body dump site; and (5) vehicle
or property drop sites. In some cases, these locations are the same (e.g., the
body dump site is the murder scene). The fact that a crime can involve several
different sites has been recognized in studies on rape. Amir (1971) concep-
tualized a rape incident as comprising the initial meeting place, the crime
scene, and the after scene. LeBeau (1987c) proposed a five-category classifi-
cation based on a combination of Amir’s original scene types, the offender’s
residence, and the victim’s residence.

For the purposes of geographic profiling, the locations of primary interest

in a murder are the encounter, attack, murder, and body dump sites (EAMD).
Other location types may or may not be present (and are of interest if so),
but the EAMD classification covers all the necessary elements of the crime.
Similarly, a rape case involves the encounter, attack, rape, and victim release
sites. Arson entails only a single location as the targets are typically buildings,
structures, or other stationary objects.

The number of different crime scene types is a surrogate measure of

mobility. In a San Diego study, LeBeau (1987c) found travel by the offender
with the victim to average 1.50 miles (n = 218), and the two-scene rape to
be the most common. An examination of 11 cases of chronic serial rapists,
responsible for a total of 89 offences (mean = 8.1) from 1971 to 1975, showed
a journey-to-crime range of 0.30 miles to 30.0 miles (mean = 6.9 miles), and
a range of mean distance between crime sites of 0.12 miles to 0.85 miles,
with an unweighted average of 0.37 miles.

While all of the crime scene types are important in the construction of

a geographic profile of an offender, their locations, particularly in homicide
cases, are not always known to investigating police officers.

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 Prior to the

apprehension of the offender, these places can be determined only through
evidence recovery or witness statements. In a typical unsolved homicide, the

42 

Rape cases are more likely to be solved in those instances where the offender’s M.O.

provides an opportunity for the victim to obtain more information about the offender
(LeBeau, 1987c). Method of approach and use of multiple crime scenes affect the amount
of time the victim spends with the rapist, influencing the likelihood of offender arrest.

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police know the body dump site (which may or may not be the murder
scene), and the place where the victim was last seen. In some circumstances,
they may only know one of these locations.

A given type of crime site does not have the same degree of relevance in

all cases. If target selection is specific, as in a series of prostitute killings, then
encounter locations are restricted, influenced more by the victim backcloth
(e.g., where the red-light district is located) than by the offender’s regular
activity space. And sometimes the actual murder scene is unknown (Ressler
& Shachtman, 1992). But police should be aware of the location of the dump
site, providing, at least, that the victim’s remains have been discovered.

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 In

such a case, the body dump locations will likely provide the most information
about the murderer (see Newton & Swoope, 1987; Rossmo, 1998). Details of
these sites may also provide insight to the offender’s psychology.

8.1.5 Body Disposal

While all the elements in a crime are important for an understanding of the
offender’s psychology, the manner and location of the victim’s body disposal,
which influences if and when the corpse is found, may be of particular
significance.

The method of handling and leaving the victim’s body will also offer insight
into the victim’s relationship to the killer. A victim left clothed or in an area
allowing easy discovery suggest that she was “loved” by the killer. A well-
treated, and easily found victim may also signify a killer who has a religious
upbringing and who does not feel a rage directed at the victim or at society.

A victim who is left in a remote area with no care taken to bury the body

suggests that the killer had little regard for her. Once she served his needs
he only sought to dispose of her to avoid detection. It also suggests that the
killer admits that he will continue to kill and that he hopes to deter police
recognition of his activity. Victims left in a public location, dismembered
or mutilated are intended to shock both the community and the intended
target. (Barrett, 1990, p. 167)

The method of body disposal can also be a function of criminal experi-

ence and offender concerns regarding scientific evidence. The forensic-con-
scious murderer may perceive several benefits in transporting the victim’s
body from the murder scene because that is the site where the most physical
evidence is found (Ressler & Shachtman, 1992).

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Keppel (1989) suggests that “the discovery of a multiple body recovery site where victims

have been deposited at different times should alert authorities that they are probably faced
with a serial murder investigation” (p. 66).

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The more successful serial killers transport their victims from the scene of
the murder to a remote site or makeshift grave. The police may never locate
the body and thus never determine that a homicide has occurred. Even if
the bodies of the victims do eventually turn up at a dump site, most of the
potentially revealing forensic evidence remains in the killer’s house or car,
where the victim was slain — but without a suspect, the police cannot find
these places to search. Moreover any trace evidence ... left on the discarded
body tends to erode as the corpse is exposed to rain, wind, heat, and snow.
(Fox & Levin, 1994, pp. 30-31)

Homicide detectives consider such a case the hardest type of murder to

solve, stripped as it is of chronology and physical evidence. “A dump job, in
... [a] park or in an alley, in a vacant house or a car trunk, offers nothing. It
stands mute to the relationship between the killer, the victim and the scene
itself ” (Simon, 1991, p. 78). The crime scenes of prolific killer Ted Bundy
were rarely discovered because of his practice of transporting victims, but in
Tallahassee he attacked and left victims inside a sorority house that made it
possible for Florida authorities to recover incriminating physical evidence
(Cleary & Rettig, 1994; Flowers, 1993).

Ressler et al. (1988) report that 27% of the time (32 out of 118 cases) the

sexual murderers in their study admitted returning to the crime scene,

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 though

they did not specify which of the various different types of crime sites the
offenders returned to. Some killers moved their victims’ remains. And some
just kept the bodies (or parts thereof) with them, in their homes. Location and
method of body disposal appear to be important components of many criminal
fantasies, perhaps originating from what Seltzer (1998) terms “the derivation
of identity from a hyperidentification with place” (p. 213).

Experience and research has shown that a victim’s body is unlikely to be

carried more than 150 feet from the murder site to the dump site, or more
than 150 feet from a vehicle (Keppel & Birnes, 1995). An adult body dumped
in a remote area will usually be found within 50 feet of a road or trail (Keppel
& Birnes, 1995), and a child’s body within 200 feet (Burton, 1998). A search
following the road network will therefore be more effective and efficient than
a standard grid search.

A murderer carrying a dead victim is subject to time, distance, speed,

and effort constraints that can be used to determine potential body dump
site locations. Naismith’s rule is a travel time estimation technique based on
distance, degree of travel difficulty, elevation, and load. Some of the rules
regarding travel speed over terrain type include:

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David Berkowitz found returning to the scenes of his former shootings an erotic experi-

ence; Ted Bundy revisited the sites of his victims’ remains to sexually assault their body
parts (Ressler & Shachtman, 1992).

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•

Easy going — 5 kilometres per hour;

•

Easy scrambling — 3 kilometres per hour;

•

Rough land, deep sand, soft snow, or thick bush — 1 kilometre per
hour;

•

Add 1 hour for every 500 metres elevation;

•

Add 1 hour for every 1000 metres depression; and

•

For every 5 hours of travel time, add 1 hour for fatigue.

These rules can be combined to provide total travel time estimates. For

example:

T

 = 

d

/

x

 + 

h

/

y

(8.2)

where:

T

  is the total travel time;

d

  is the horizontal distance;

h

  is the vertical distance;

x

  is the horizontal walking speed; and

y

  is the vertical climbing speed.

Naismith cautions these are only approximate guidelines, and individual
performances vary depending upon stamina and fitness levels.

Offenders typically take the path of least resistance, and indicators such

as tire tracks, footprints, discarded objects, scuff marks, broken branches,
bent grass blades, and crushed plants can help determine their trail (Robbins,
1977; Sacks, 1999). Ground disturbances, changes in soil colour, and
retarded, advanced, or altered vegetation cover may mark a body burial site,
as can bird and scavenger activity (Skinner & Lazenby, 1983). France et al.
(1997) list varies methods for the detection of clandestine grave locations,
including the use of aerial photography, geology, botany, entomology, elec-
tromagnetics, metal detectors, infrared/thermal imagery, decomposition
(cadaver) dogs, archaeology, anthropology, and ground penetrating radar
(see also Kubik, 1996).

Human remains left in the wilderness will quickly become disarticulated

and scattered as the result of animal — particularly canid — scavenging,
complicating the process of evidence recovery. Research findings in the fields
of forensic taphonomy (the study of death assemblages) and anthropology
are of relevance for the problem of finding skeletal evidence and body dump
sites (Haglund & Sorg, 1997). Coyotes in the Pacific Northwest have been
known to skeletonize a body in 28 days, and disarticulate and scatter most
of the skeleton in 2 months; after a year, the bones are dispersed over a large
area (Haglund, 1997a).