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ized individuals whose disappearances are rarely linked, even when missing
person reports are made to the police.

This hunting typology resembles that for burglars proposed by Bennett

and Wright (1984), which includes planners, searchers, and opportunists. Sur-
prisingly, it is also remarkably similar to Schaller’s (1972) description of hunt-
ing methods used by lions in the Serengeti where he observed ambushing,

stalking, driving (direct attack), and unexpected (opportunistic) kills. Offend-
ers may employ different hunting methods, but they usually adopt and stay
with one, or at the most two approaches. For example, while trolling is not a
primary criminal search technique, it is part of many offenders’ repertoires.

 

8.2.4 Predator Hunting Typology

 

Target patterns are determined by offender activity space, hunting method,
and victim backcloth. Hunting style is therefore helpful in determining which
crime locations are the best predictors of an offender’s anchor point under
different circumstances. Another purpose of this typology is the identification
of those situations where an analysis of the relationship between offender
activity space and crime location geography is appropriate. This allows for
the elimination of those cases where such an analysis is either impossible or
redundant. Poachers, for example, who live in one city and commit their
crimes in another, may not reside within their hunting area. Stalkers, whose

 

Figure 8.1

 

    Raptor target pattern.


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crime locations are driven more by the activity spaces of their victims than
by their own, produce more complex target patterns requiring different ana-
lytic methods. 

Figures 8.1

 and 

8.2

 show, respectively, hypothetical target

patterns for raptors and stalkers.

Table 8.1

 presents the 12-cell matrix produced by a crosstabulation of

the 4 search and 3 attack methods. The suitability for geographic profiling
(from encounter and body dump sites) is indicated for each cell. The matrix
uses a sliding scale of designations (

 

yes

 

 

possibly

 

, or 

 

doubtful

 

) to refer to

suitability likelihood. A designation of 

 

redundant

 

 refers to a situation where

such an analysis is possible, but trivial. For example, while body dump
locations can accurately determine the address of a trapper serial killer (e.g.,
one who entices victims into his or her home, murders them, and then buries
their bodies in the basement), there is no need to do so. The cases of Belle
Gunness, who poisoned her suitors, and Dorothea Puente, who murdered
elderly tenants, are such examples. As search and attack methods are corre-
lated, some hunting styles are more common than others. For example,
hunter/raptors and trapper/ambushers are more frequent than
hunter/ambushers or trapper/raptors. Also, the suitability ratings in 

Table

8.1

 are only suggestive as individual cases may vary significantly from each

other in terms of their spatial details.

 

Figure 8.2

 

    Stalker target pattern.


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Table 8.1    Criminal Predator Hunting Typology*

 

Encounter Sites

Search Method

 

Attack Method

Hunter

Poacher

Troller

Trapper

Raptor

yes

possibly

yes

redundant

Stalker

yes

possibly

yes

redundant

Ambusher

yes

possibly

yes

redundant

Body Dump Sites

Search Method

 

Attack Method

Hunter

Poacher

Troller

Trapper

Raptor

yes

possibly

yes

redundant

Stalker

possibly

doubtful

possibly

possibly

Ambusher

redundant

redundant

redundant

redundant

 

*From Rossmo, D.K. (1997). Geographic Profiling. In J.L. Jackson, & D.A.

Bekerian (Eds.). (1997b). 

 

Offender profiling: Theory, research and practice 

 

(pp.

159-175). Chichester: John Wiley & Sons. Used with permission.


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Predator Patterns

 

My only concerns was being prepared ... Some Saturdays and Sundays I
drove along the Coast, not looking for hitch-hikers, just searching out places.
On back-waters of the Pee-Dee River, near where I had worked with the
cypress cutting and hauling crews, I found old logging roads that went for
miles into the swamps — and more trails into marshes south of Georgetown
... I decided on spots I could get to quick from main Highways, but far
enough away so I wouldn’t have to worry about anybody seeing or hearing,
and I always picked spots that had a nice burying place close by.

 

—Donald “Pee Wee” Gaskins, planning his South Carolina coastal kills;

Gaskins & Earle, 1993, p. 123

 

9.1 Spatial Typologies

 

Most research and commentary on the geography of serial murder and vio-
lent crime has been descriptive, aimed primarily at the classification of spatial
patterns of crime scenes. This is an important prerequisite for understanding
the methods used by predatory criminals during their hunt and the resulting
geography of their crimes. It is from this basis that efforts to geographically
profile violent offenders can begin. These typologies typically analyze such
factors as victim selection, offender hunt, crime pattern, mobility, distance,
and method of body disposal.

Holmes and De Burger (1988; see also Falk, 1990) categorize serial murder

location patterns as: (1) concentrated (characteristic of the visionary, mission-
oriented, hedonistic lust, and hedonistic comfort serial murderer types); or
(2) dispersed (characteristic of the hedonistic thrill, and power/control-ori-
ented serial murderer types). Thus serial killers are: (1) geographically stable
(concentrated target patterns); (2) geographically transient (dispersed target

 

9


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patterns); or (3) mixed (a combination of stable and transient). The motives
of geographically stable serial killers are often sexual in nature, and their
victims specifically selected. Transportation of the victim’s body is a crime
scene characteristic associated with the lust, thrill, and power/control-oriented
serial murderer types (Holmes & Holmes, 1996).

Robbins (1991) researched differences in the methods and motives of

geographically stable and geographically transient serial murderers. In a study
of 20 well-known recent (1970 to 1991) convicted and incarcerated male
serial killers, she found geographically stable serial murderers typically oper-
ate in areas occupied by members of their own race, seek specific victim
traits, are organized, and plan their crimes in advance. They tend to be thrill
oriented and young, and often commit their crimes under the influence of
alcohol or drugs. These killers have been known to engage in necrophilia and
decapitate their victims for the purposes of delaying identification. Body
dump sites are different from murder scenes, necessitating transportation of
the victim’s body; both locations are chosen by the killer ahead of time.

 

48

 

Usually victims are left clothed and their remains are discovered.

Geographically transient serial murderers, by comparison, are more

likely to have a history of sexual abuse in their backgrounds, tend to be less
organized, and have shorter attention spans (Robbins, 1991). This typically
results in a lower level of formal education, more marital breakdowns, and
a record of working odd jobs. These killers often travel extensively and have
a propensity for not staying long in one place. They are less victim specific
and ritualistic in their crimes, often changing choice of weapon and method
of operation. They are older, oriented towards power and control, and more
frequently engage in biting and cannibalism (see Wilson, 1988). Usually
victims are left unclothed and their remains are less likely to be discovered.

Table 9.1

 summarizes the target pattern characteristics associated with

various categories in the Holmes and De Burger serial murderer typology
(including Barrett’s opportunist serial killer type) (Barrett, 1990; Holmes &
De Burger, 1988; Holmes & Holmes, 1996; Robbins, 1991).

In a study of 28 convicted serial sex murderers who targeted female

victims, James (1991) noted various offender characteristics related to hunt-
ing behaviour and crime site geography. He recorded the following data on
victim selection, hunting behaviour, offender transportation, attack, body
disposal, and apprehension:

 

48 

 

Dietz et al. (1990) found 93.3% (28) of the sexually sadistic criminals they studied

carefully planned their offences, 76.7% (23) took victims to a preselected location, and
60% (18) kept at least one victim captive for 24 hours or more (see, for example, Gaskins
& Earle, 1993). Cases of extended captivity indicate an offender with access to a safe and
secure place in which to hold the victim (Ressler & Shachtman, 1992).