ВУЗ: Не указан
Категория: Не указан
Дисциплина: Не указана
Добавлен: 12.10.2020
Просмотров: 4534
Скачиваний: 16
176.png)
© 2000 by CRC Press LLC
refer to Southern California, with its wealth of displaced individuals and
potential victims, as a “playground for murder.”
Table 9.3
displays a state-by-state (including the District of Columbia)
comparison of population, murder and nonnegligent manslaughter offences
and rates known to police, 1988 (Flanagan & Maguire, 1990), and serial
murder counts and rates. The serial murder counts are an average of three
studies: (1) cases of serial murder in which one or more victims were killed,
1800 to 1995 (Hickey 1997); (2) serial murder victims by state, mid-1800s
to 1989 (Cavanagh, 1993); and (3) location of serial killer operation, 1880
to 1993 (Rossmo, 1995a). The serial murder rates are adjusted for both
population (per 10,000,000 people) and overall murder (per 1000 offences).
States with the highest counts of serial murder (more than twice the
mean) are, in order, California, New York, Florida, Illinois, Texas, Ohio, and
Georgia. States with the highest per capita rates of serial murder (more than
twice the overall rate for the U.S.) are, in order, Alaska, Nevada, California,
District of Columbia, and Oregon. States with the highest rates of serial
murder per all murders (more than twice the overall rate for the U.S.) are,
in order, Alaska, Vermont, Utah, Wyoming, Idaho, Montana, Oregon, North
Dakota, Nevada, Washington, Delaware, and Wisconsin.
Figure 9.2
shows a
map of per capita serial murder rates by state.
The degree of confidence in these findings should be tempered by the
fact that each study used different methods of counting
51
and covered dis-
similar time periods. Furthermore, many states had only small numbers of
recorded serial murder cases and therefore little reliability should be placed
in their ranking. Once population or overall murder levels (a proxy for both
population and propensity for lethal violence) are accounted for, many of
the geographic differences noted by previous researchers disappear. There is
still some evidence, however, for higher serial murder rates in the west.
9.2.3 Case Descriptions
The serial murder cases selected for more detailed analysis include: (1) Rich-
ard Chase; (2) Albert DeSalvo; (3) Clifford Olson; (4) Angelo Buono and
Kenneth Bianchi; (5) Peter Sutcliffe; (6) Richard Ramirez; (7) David Berkow-
itz; (8) Jeffrey Dahmer; (9) Joel Rifkin; and (10) John Collins. In order to
explore the impact of violating certain selection criteria, an additional 3 cases
were included: (1) Aileen Wuornos; (2) Ian Brady and Myra Hindley; and
(3) Jerry Brudos. These 13 cases, representing 15 serial murderers, 178 vic-
tims, and 347 crime locations, comprise the microlevel SFU serial murder
data set.
51
Also, Hickey presents his frequency counts as ranges (e.g., Washington, 6 to 10 cases),
requiring use of the midpoint (e.g., Washington, 8 cases).
177.png)
© 2000 by CRC Press LLC
Table 9.3 Serial Murder Counts and Rates by State
State
Population
Murders
Murder Rate
Count
Rate
Per Murder
Alabama
4,127,000
408
9.89
6.3
15.3
15.5
Alaska
513,000
29
5.65
7.7
149.4
264.4
Arizona
3,466,000
294
8.48
6
17.3
20.4
Arkansas
2,422,000
211
8.71
1.7
6.9
7.9
California
28,168,000
2936
10.42
193
68.5
65.7
Colorado
3,290,000
187
5.68
6
18.2
32.1
Connecticut
3,241,000
174
5.37
8
24.7
46
Delaware
660,000
34
5.15
3
45.5
88.2
District of Columbia
620,000
369
59.52
4
64.5
10.8
Florida
12,377,000
1416
11.44
47.5
38.4
33.5
Georgia
6,401,000
748
11.69
32.3
50.5
43.2
Hawaii
1,093,000
44
4.03
2.7
24.4
60.6
Idaho
999,000
36
3.6
5
50.1
138.9
Illinois
11,544,000
991
8.58
38.8
33.6
39.2
Indiana
5,575,000
358
6.42
13.3
23.9
37.2
Iowa
2,834,000
47
1.66
1.7
5.9
35.5
Kansas
2,487,000
85
3.42
3
12.1
35.3
Kentucky
3,721,000
229
6.15
3.7
9.9
16
Louisiana
4,420,000
512
11.58
12.3
27.9
24.1
Maine
1,206,000
37
3.07
1.7
13.8
45
Maryland
4,644,000
449
9.67
8
17.2
17.8
Massachusetts
5,871,000
208
3.54
5
8.5
24
Michigan
9,300,000
1009
10.85
23.3
25.1
23.1
Minnesota
4,306,000
124
2.88
2
4.6
16.1
Mississippi
2,627,000
225
8.56
4.3
16.5
19.3
Missouri
5,139,000
413
8.04
7.7
14.9
18.6
Montana
804,000
21
2.61
2.7
33.2
127
Nebraska
1,601,000
58
3.62
2.7
16.7
46
Nevada
1,060,000
111
10.47
10.3
97.5
93.1
New Hampshire
1,097,000
25
2.28
1.3
12.2
53.3
New Jersey
7,720,000
411
5.32
9.3
12.1
22.7
New Mexico
1,510,000
173
11.46
3
19.9
17.3
New York
17,898,000
2244
12.54
51.7
28.9
23
North Carolina
6,526,000
510
7.81
7.7
11.7
15
North Dakota
663,000
12
1.81
1.3
20.1
111.1
Ohio
10,872,000
585
5.38
32.7
30
55.8
Oklahoma
3,263,000
243
7.45
11.7
35.8
48
Oregon
2,741,000
139
5.07
16.7
60.8
119.9
Pennsylvania
12,027,000
660
5.49
12.7
10.5
19.2
Rhode Island
995,000
41
4.12
2
20.1
48.8
South Carolina
3,493,000
325
9.3
4.7
13.4
14.4
South Dakota
715,000
22
3.08
1.3
18.6
60.6
Tennessee
4,919,000
461
9.37
5
10.2
10.8
Texas
16,780,000
2022
12.05
36.8
22
18.2
Utah
1,691,000
47
2.78
9.7
57.2
205.7
Vermont
556,000
11
1.98
2.3
42
212.1
Virginia
5,996,000
468
7.81
5.3
8.9
11.4
178.png)
© 2000 by CRC Press LLC
Summary histories for each of the selected murder series follow. For the
purposes of the study, a victim and associated crime sites were connected to
a serial killer case if the offence was one of murder, attempted murder, or a
violent crime (rape, sexual assault, kidnapping, abduction, or any attempt
thereof), the circumstances of which were such that the person had a sub-
stantial likelihood of being killed.
While workplace is an important component of activity space, reliable
information on occupation was not available for this sample, and offender
work site was therefore not analyzed. Certain locations that appear to have
been key offender anchor points were noted. All residences are included in
cases involving two offenders or where the killer moved in the midst of the
murder series.
Table 9.3 Serial Murder Counts and Rates by State (continued)
State
Population
Murders
Murder Rate
Count
Rate
Per Murder
Washington
4,619,000
264
5.72
23.3
50.5
88.4
West Virginia
1,884,000
93
4.94
2
10.6
21.5
Wisconsin
4,858,000
144
2.96
12
24.7
83.3
Wyoming
471,000
12
2.55
2
42.5
166.7
United States
245,810,000
20,675
8.41
718.2
29.2
34.7
Mean
4,820,000
405.4
14.1
Figure 9.2
Serial murder rates by state.
179.png)
© 2000 by CRC Press LLC
9.2.3.1
Richard Chase
Richard Trenton Chase, the Vampire Killer, was a chronic paranoid schizo-
phrenic who believed that his blood supply was being dried up by aliens
(Biondi & Hecox, 1992; Ressler & Shachtman, 1992). He therefore reasoned
the only way he could stay alive was through drinking the blood of others.
Released from a mental institution in 1976, Chase began a rampage of murder
in Sacramento County, California, in late December of 1977, killing six
people — male and female, adult and child — while engaging in postmortem
evisceration, anthropophagy, and vampirism.
Often used as an exemplar for the disorganized murderer type, Chase
lived in the area of his crimes, at one point leaving a vehicle stolen from one
of his victims just around the corner from his home. Consistent with a
disorganized murder series, Chase’s hunting area was localized and limited
in size. With one exception, the body dump and encounter sites are equiva-
lent. His last crime scene involved four victims. Apprehended in January 1978
through police neighbourhood canvassing efforts that were informed by a
psychological profile, Chase was eventually convicted of six counts of first-
degree murder. In 1980, he committed suicide by poison while in prison.
9.2.3.2
Albert DeSalvo
Albert DeSalvo, the Boston Strangler, murdered 13 women during the 1960s
in and around Boston, Massachusetts (Frank, 1966; James, 1991; Newton,
1990a; Time-Life, 1992b). Married with a family, he had a particularly abusive
childhood history and was eventually diagnosed as schizophrenic. DeSalvo
is believed to have committed over 300 sexual assaults and hundreds of
burglaries in four states before and after his murders. He began to strangle
his victims in June 1962, often leaving their bodies displayed with an elabo-
rate bow tied in the ligatures around their necks.
DeSalvo commuted into Boston from his home in Malden and drove
aimlessly through rundown and “Bohemian” neighbourhoods in the Back
Bay area. He picked target locations from building types likely to house
students, transients, or the elderly. DeSalvo was often familiar with these
places from his travels throughout the city as his maintenance position for
a construction company required him to work at different sites. He conned
his way into a victim’s apartment by pretending to be the building plumber.
DeSalvo was really a poacher who did not search for victims close to home.
The body dump and encounter sites in his crimes are equivalent.
A Medical-Psychiatric Committee mistakenly profiled his crimes as the
product of two separate individuals, in part because DeSalvo altered his
choice of victims, first killing elderly women and then younger females. His
final victim, killed on January 4, 1964, was left with a card reading “Happy
New Year” by her feet. DeSalvo then returned to sexual assaults and was
180.png)
© 2000 by CRC Press LLC
eventually arrested and jailed for rape. While confined to the state psychiatric
hospital he confessed to, but was never tried for, the Boston stranglings. He
died in 1973 after being stabbed during a prison fight.
9.2.3.3
Clifford Olson
From November 1980 to July 1981, 11 children disappeared from the Greater
Vancouver area of British Columbia (Alston, 1994; Bayless, 1982; Ferry &
Inwood, 1982; Mulgrew, 1990; Olson, 1989, 1992a, 1992b; Worthington,
1993). The remains of most victims were not discovered until Clifford Robert
Olson confessed to their murders after his arrest by an RCMP surveillance
team. Olson, 41, was a petty but chronic offender who spent only four years
of his adult life out of prison. When he began his murder orgy he was free
on bail for sex and firearms charges, and was wanted for child abuse charges
in Nova Scotia, though the warrant was not enforceable outside that province
(see Rossmo, 1987). He learned his future M.O. while in the B.C. Penitentiary
from the letters and maps of fellow convict Gary Francis Marcoux, a brutal
rapist and child killer.
Olson, a veteran con man, picked up victims from suburban shopping
malls, arcades, and bus stops, luring them into his car with flashy business
cards and promises of employment. Some he let go, others he murdered. His
victims were of both sexes and ranged in age from 9 to 18 years; Olson’s
primary selection criterion appeared to be victim vulnerability. He drove
extensively in his hunt for prey and once put 5569 kilometres on a rental car
in just two weeks of July 1981.
Olson moved early in the murder series and his second residence was
his main anchor point. Not only did he reside there for most of the murders,
but he had lived in that particular neighbourhood several times in the past.
It appears that Olson had two mental maps, one used in the search for
victims, the other in his choice of dump sites. The first of these was local
and centred on his residence and surrounding neighbourhood, while the
second was regional and focused on Agassiz Mountain Prison. The body
dump site area is much larger than the victim encounter site area. Olson
was willing to travel greater distances to dispose of victims than to search
for them; the former was an infrequent and risky event, the latter common
and relatively safe.
One of the most controversial aspects of the case was the agreement by
the Attorney General of British Columbia to pay Olson $100,000 in exchange
for information about the locations of his victims’ burial sites. Though this
“cash-for-bodies” deal generated considerable reaction at the time, the result-
ing evidence was necessary in order to convict Olson of the multiple homi-
cides. Sentenced to life imprisonment on 11 counts of first-degree murder,
Olson still ranks as Canada’s most prolific serial killer. He unsuccessfully