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BRICS Long-Term Strategy
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and resulted in a deterioration of their current account deficits along with a sharp
depreciation of their domestic currencies. By September 2013, the Indian Rupee
and the Brazilian Real had each fallen by more than 16 per cent (Kumar and Barua,
2013). To maintain sustainable exchange rates, nominal interest rates were raised
at the expense of real economic growth.
FIGURE 4
Exchange rate depreciation (May-December 2013)
(In %)
27.5
12.2
14.2
13.3
19.0
16.1
22.4
13.5
12.3
16.5
0
5
10
15
20
25
30
INR
IDR
ZAR
TRY
BRL
May to September 2013
May to December 2013
Source: Yahoo finance.
2 MAIN CHALLENGES
2.1 BRICS and the global financial architecture
Emerging and developing economies can coordinate and effectively use the
International Financial Architecture to address common concerns. The Group of
20 (G20) can be a particularly useful platform for this. In addition, BRICS has
made rapid strides in burden sharing and financial integration towards a more
robust global economy.
In 2009, at the height of the financial crisis, the heads of the G20 nations
met in London to draw up an action plan to stabilise the global economy.
This led to the trebling of the IMF’s resources to USD 750 billion, establishment
of a new Financial Stability Board (FSB) and a USD 100 billion increase in the
lending capacity of the Multilateral Development Banks (MDBs).
Despite the efforts made by the G20 the global economy still stands on a
shaky foundation. Emerging and developing economies could still be affected
by spill-overs originating from changes in advanced economies’ policies and
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performance, as well as by excessively borrowing from financial institutions.
Recent crises have shown the importance of creating mechanisms to make these
institutions participate in the adjustment processes of the affected economies.
The actual role of risk rating agencies is an additional issue, in that their usual
criteria for risk classification is far too concerned with liquidity and solvency, disre-
garding other indicators of the actual economic potential of developing countries.
Also, their high ratings to a number of financial operations have contributed to
deepen the recent sub-prime crisis.
Excess liquidity spill-overs lead to cross-border banking flows, exchange
rate volatility, and overvalued assets in capital-receiving countries (Rajan, 2013).
These spill-overs work via a channel of easier borrowing that increases asset prices
and reduces leverage-linked risk perceptions. Concomitantly, the timing and pace
of withdrawal of UMPs should be sensitive to the prevailing financial conditions
in the emerging and developing economies.
Surges in capital outflows have resulted in an array of macro-prudential measures
such as a 2 per cent tax on equity and bonds by Brazil (Wheatley, 2009), as well as a
restriction on outward investment from 400 per cent of the investor’s net worth to
100 per cent in India (Mallet, 2013). Such measures in addition to hikes in domestic
interest rates are a natural defence against short-term spill-overs from UMPs. To build
long-term resilience, however, emerging and developing economies have once again
started accumulating foreign exchange reserves to prevent future outflows and exchange
rate destabilisation. Advanced economies should consider the long-term implications
of the UMPS, chief among them the formation of a new savings glut.
Systemically Important Financial Institutions (SIFIs) are defined as financial
institutions in which distress or disorderly failure – because of their size, complexity and
systemic interconnectedness – can cause significant disruption to the wider financial
system and economic activity (Financial Stability Board, 2011). Governments around
the world have been forced to bail out such institutions following the financial crisis.
This has created a moral hazard and exacerbated already precarious fiscal budgets.
The G20 has tasked the FSB with the development of a multi-pronged frame-
work to reduce the likelihood of failure of SIFIs, prevent large taxpayer bailouts by
orderly resolution of a failing SIFI and minimise the systemic risk via macro-
prudential regulation. Although unilateral efforts such as the Dodd-Frank Act of
2010 as well as a series of ‘stress tests’ have sought to limit systemic risk in the
financial system, they have inadvertently also forced banks to limit their exposure
to riskier loans and scale down their operations, especially in the emerging and
developing economies. However, it is important to ensure that BRICS countries
are able to balance greater regulation with domestic growth imperatives such as
infrastructure creation.
BRICS Long-Term Strategy
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2.1.2 Basel III
Basel III is a comprehensive set of recommendations, developed by the Basel
Committee on Banking Supervision, to strengthen the regulation, supervision and
risk management of the banking sector. Although G20 members have broadly agreed
to the recommendations within the Basel III framework, important concerns have
been raised in the past by the emerging and developing economies. These must be
addressed in line with the implementation timeline of the regulations.
The first regards capital requirements. Recent research has found that a 20 per
cent increase in capital stocks and liquidity reserves would diminish GDP per capita
by 2 per cent globally, but by 3 per cent in emerging and developing economies
(Masters, 2012). The Basel III framework has also introduced a Countercyclical
Capital Conservation Buffer (CCCB) that prevents banks from excessive lending
during periods of high credit growth. For example, the CCCB is triggered when
indicators such as the credit-GDP gap
2
reach a predetermined threshold limit.
However, given different circumstances for emerging and developing markets, such
as stage of economic development, maturity of financial markets and the progress
of structural transformation, non-contextual application of these indicators could
undermine the priority of economic growth.
The second related concern pertains to stringent liquidity requirements. Under
the Basel III framework, banks are required to maintain a minimum Liquidity
Coverage Ratio (LCR) to ensure that they have sufficient High Quality Liquid
Assets (HQLA) to survive a stress scenario lasting 30 days (Bank for International
Settlements, 2013). The HQLA typically comprises short-term government securities
and high-quality corporate bonds – instruments that are in limited supply in
capital markets of many emerging and developing economies.
2.1.3 Burden-sharing arrangements
The volatility of capital flows in emerging and developing economies stemming
from UMPs in advanced economies exposes a fundamental vulnerability in their
macroeconomic model. To counter this, emerging and developing economies
have typically resorted to the rapid accumulation of foreign exchange reserves.
IMF lending has been used as a last resort by countries unable to summon the adequate
financial resources to prevent a full-blown crisis. Most recently, the foundations of
the Contingent Reserve Arrangement (CRA) were established by BRICS.
The CRA is a framework for the provision of support through liquidity and
precautionary instruments in response to actual or potential short-term balance
of payments pressures, with an initial size of USD 100 billion.
2. The difference between actual credit–GDP and long-term trend of credit–GDP.
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Drawing on the experience of other regional cooperation arrangements,
the CRA has adopted a two-tier governance and decision-making structure, with
strategic issues decided by consensus of a Governing Council and operational
issues decided by majority votes of a Standing Committee. Votes are in proportion
to individual members’ committed resources, with a certain portion of basic votes
equally distributed among members.
The CRA provides two instruments in response to different BOP pressures,
a liquidity instrument to address the actual BOP difficulties and a precautionary
instrument to preempt any potential pressures before the actual ones emerge.
Both instruments are to help stabilize expectations, reduce uncertainties and improve
market confidence, therefore, to mitigate the adverse impacts of external shocks
and stabilize the domestic situation for BRICS.
Financial operations under CRA are well secured. The CRA requires most
drawings of committed resources to be linked to the IMF arrangement.
Nevertheless, to allow prompt support under urgent conditions, up to 30 per
cent of the maximum access could be drawn upon approval in the absence of an
IMF arrangement. Besides, the CRA also requires comprehensive conditions to
be met for the approval of any drawing or renewal request, and specify members’
obligations under the CRA arrangement.
Given the rising volatilities and risks on the global market, and the standstill
quota reform and inadequate resources of the IMF, emerging markets have to
resort to regional and bilateral monetary cooperation to seek financial stability in
an in complete global financial safety net. The CRA as a cross-region monetary
cooperation will supplement the global financial safety net by adding a new layer
and new resources available, helping to strengthen financial stability of BRICS and
the world as well. Moreover, by launching the CRA, the BRICS countries have
not only make solid progress towards multilateral cooperation, but also enhance
the collective capacity of coping with external shocks, and provide continuous
momentum and broader potential for future cooperation. However, safety nets
fail to completely insure the inherent systemic risk that emanates from adverse
spill-overs from UMPs and an over-reliance on the US dollar. BRICS collectively
could evaluate more alternatives to minimise systemic risk by exploring arrangements
that target underpinning systemic issues in the global financial system.
2.1.4 Alternatives to the US dollar
Empirical literature (Papaioannou and Portes, 2008) identifies certain key
factors for internationalisation of a currency: economic strength and market size;
low inflation and exchange rate stability; deep and efficient financial markets;
and political stability and geopolitical strength. The US dollar fulfils the above
BRICS Long-Term Strategy
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criteria. Additionally, the financial crisis and the ensuing QE programmes have
not diminished the dollar’s role as a “safe haven” asset. Indeed, the strength of the
US dollar can be seen from the two tables below – it is the dominant currency
in the global foreign exchange market as well as the international money market.
TABLE 1
International money market instruments, amount outstanding (Mar. 2014)
(In USD billions)
Currency
Commercial Paper
Other Instruments
USD
194.7
132.4
EUR
178.4
142.7
JPY
1.5
0.6
GBP
107.1
81.9
AUD
3.5
1.8
CHF
3.8
3.4
Other Currencies
24.8
20.3
Source: Bank for International Settlements (BIS).
TABLE 2
Currency distribution of global foreign exchange market turnover (Mar. 2014)
Currency
Share (%)
Rank
USD
87.0
1
EUR
33.4
2
JPY
23.0
3
GBP
11.8
4
AUD
8.6
5
CHF
5.2
6
CAD
4.6
7
MXN
2.5
8
CNY
2.2
9
NZD
2.0
10
Source: Bank for International Settlements (BIS).
Most emerging and developing economies fail to fulfil the necessary criteria to
internationalise their currencies. To reduce dependence on the dollar and diversify
risks, alternatives could be developed through enhanced and sustainable forms of
financial integration between the five BRICS economies.
The Standing Drawing Right (SDR) is an international reserve asset created
by the IMF in 1969 to supplement member countries’ official reserves. Its value
is a weighted average of four international currencies – US dollar (41.9 per cent),