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South Africa’s policy towards the African continent and the world is within the context of BRICS interests. This has been the case before South Africa became its member. The interests of BRICS include the improvement of political, economic, financial and trade relations and cooperation among its members and how best to advance and increase its role in global affairs and political economy in the interests of developing countries. The economic crisis of 2008 and its global consequences helped to increase its role in global political, economic, financial and trade affairs. BRICS, as its purpose and interests, is striving to accelerate the restructuring of the global financial system and governance institutions and organisations for them to best and effectively or progressively serve the needs and interests of developing countries. Directly related to their progressive service to the needs and interests of developing countries is for these countries to have more say in their decision-making and implementation. BRICS is also for the existence of a multipolar world governed by a global collective leadership in which developing countries will play an increasing and effective role. It is also for the resolution to global problems such as terrorism and crime and those relating to issues such as environmental affairs and climate change, food security and energy.
BRICS has declared its commitment towards serving the developmental needs of developing countries, among others, by using its proposed development bank. The establishment of its development bank and its service to the developmental needs of developing countries will not only enhance BRICS’s role and prospects for development and progress of developing countries, but also help to structurally impel the World Bank to increasingly serve the needs of developing countries in their interests. This will constitute a challenge to the International Monetary Fund, the World Bank and the Western powers in their role not only in the developing countries, but also in the rest of the world. This will enormously contribute to the creation of a new global order serving not only the developmental needs of Africa and the rest of the South, but also of the rest of the world. The consequence will be the creation of a progressive, better world in which the existence of a better Africa as a prosperous, peaceful, democratic and truly independent and united continent will be protected.
BRICS in its call for a multipolar world governed collectively is challenging the United States dollar as the global reserve currency. The popular view that the United States is losing its leadership position in global political, economic and financial affairs to China and the fact that China has increasingly taken on greater responsibilities as a global actor of strategic importance in global affairs signify the real beginning of the success of this challenge. China together with its BRICS partners acting together with other countries of the South, progressive political parties of the South and the North and global social movements of change may in fact accelerate the defeat of imperialist powers under the leadership of the United States. For BRICS to establish its proposed developmental bank and have the global reserve currency accepted as an alternative to the United States dollar in international trade, it will be in a position to lead the world in socio-economic and financial sustainable development. It shall have established its power and authority in global economic, financial and trade affairs.
South Africa’s Africa policy within the context of BRICS interests requires it to embark upon a key programme of actions. Firstly, to consolidate its status as the regional power and the continental power. Secondly, to consolidate its road, air, maritime, port, pipeline and railway transport infrastructure. This is critical for Africa’s socio-economic, trade and infrastructural development for it to increase its benefits in its trade relations with the rest of the world. It plays a crucial role in reducing transport costs and facilitating the trade relations between Southern Africa, Africa and the rest of the world. Thirdly, it is seeking to achieve its global objectives to be an important international power, a major force within the Group of 20 countries and BRICS and an important actor within the United Nations Organisation (UN) as a permanent member of its Security Council. Fourthly, it is contributing to the creation of a more just regional, continental and global environment that would better correspond to the needs of Africa internally and globally. South Africa’s geopolitical imperatives are, firstly, to consolidate its regional and continental power status. Secondly, to contribute to the reduction and elimination of the domination and control of the regional and continental markets and resources by the advanced capitalist countries. Thirdly, to contribute to the protection of the region and the continent from encroachment by hostile rivals antagonistic to the realisation of the regional and continental strategic interests. Fourthly, to shape regional, continental and global geopolitical balance of power. The execution of these tasks as an integral part of its foreign policy is articulated by Aziz Pahad as the Deputy Minister of Foreign Affairs as follows:
It is important to emphasise that South Africa’s foreign policy is premised upon its national interests, domestic policies and values. Domestically, South Africa is committed to bringing about a better life for all in an environment of peace, stability and security. This objective [can] only be achieved in an international environment characterized by global peace and security and an equitable and just system.227
There is the fundamental need to provide the theoretical position capable of adequately providing an understanding of South Africa’s Africa policy within the context of BRICS interests as required by its being the Southern African regional power and African continental power seeking to consolidate its power and authority inherent in its regional and continental status in its advancement of Africa’s long-term strategic interests globally. Related to this status is the fact that South Africa also seeks to be an important international power, a major force within the Group of 20 countries and BRICS and an important actor within the UN as a permanent member of its Security Council. What is South Africa doing in order to consolidate its status as the regional and continental power, to become an international power, a major force within the G-20? It is increasing its alliance with countries such as Brazil, Russia, India and China through BRICS and consolidating its regional and continental objectives with the global agenda of the BRICS. South Africa is actively ensuring that the African continental and global environment become conducive for the advancement, achievement and defense of Africa’s long-term strategic interests continentally and globally. It has the continental obligation to contribute to the strengthening of the African Union and to contribute to the achievement of the African continental integration objectives of the African Union. Its active contribution towards the strengthening of the African Union is an integral part of its task to ensure that the African Union achieves its other objectives. Its contribution to the strengthening of the African Union is, among others, through the strengthening of Southern African Development Community.
South Africa’s view of African integration in its developmental objectives or its opposition to the economistic view of the project informed by narrow imperatives of trade and investment relations of its private companies is important for various reasons. The problem of the view of integration only in its economic and trade aspects as if it is only economic and trade project is beyond being informed by narrow imperatives of economic, trade and investment relations. This view gives “misplaced priority to international trade as a determinant” of national “patterns of development”228 and progress of members of the organisational drivers of the integration project.
The position which gives priority to international trade as a determinant of patterns of development and progress of African countries is maintained, among others, by Thabo Mbeki, former president of South Africa. He maintains the incorrect position that the basis for Africa’s future socio-economic advancement is primarily external, not internal. He argues that the driving force for “Africa’s economic growth has been – and will continue to be the demand for its raw materials” and that “China, and to some extent India, are particularly relevant in this regard.”229 As “economies” of these Asian countries “continue to grow at high rates,” they will fuel “sustained demand for raw materials” of African countries. Therefore, “African growth and development will continue to benefit from the further growth and development of these two Asian economies.”230 In other words, the process of Africa’s development and progress depends on the demand for its raw materials by China and India. Africa is incorrectly viewed as an extension of China and India in terms of its development and progress. Mbeki concludes that “the importance of international trade as a driver of the African economic project” should be emphasised.231 He correctly points to the importance of “Africa’s response to the global economy and its impact on Africa.”232 However, given the fact that he regards the process of Africa’s development and progress as dependent on the demand of its raw materials by China and India, he should have emphasised the importance of Africa’s strategic response to their intensified expansion into the continent particularly for its raw materials. Meles Zenawi, the former Prime Minister of Ethiopia emphasised the importance of Africa’s strategic response to the intensified expansion of China, India and other BRICS countries into the continent for its natural resources. Answering the question as to what is his “view on the current competition to attain resources from Africa,” he pointed out that:
I think there are two aspects here; the emergence of China, India and the other BRICS countries has dramatically changed the dynamics. The demand for commodities has given us a window of opportunity to benefit from our natural resources. Whether we make effective use of that opportunity is a separate issue, but the opportunity is there. The emergence of this new international force has increased the competition, and from Africa’s perspective, choice and competition are certainly better than monopolies. So, having various partners puts us in an advantageous position; we just need to use this to our advantage. In Ethiopia we are trying to do just that233.
The position that the process of Africa’s economic development and progress depends on the demand for its raw materials by BRICS members such as China and India and that international trade is a driver of the African socio-economic development and progress and transformation has a danger of turning Africa into a supply centre for strategic materials for stockpiling and expanded opportunity for trade.
South Africa’s leading role in African affairs:
multilateral engagement in the interests of the continent
South Africa served as the architect of the New Partnership for Africa’s Development. It played a key role in contributing towards the resolution of conflicts on the continent. It played this role by mediating in issues of conflicts in countries such as Burundi, the Democratic Republic of Congo, Ivory Coast and Zimbabwe. As a result of its active role in African politics of change and transformation, Africa and the rest of the world are placing a higher level of expectations upon it to increase its role not only in African affairs, but also to intensify its efforts in contributiong towards resolution of conflicts on the continent. It actively worked so hard in advancing and sustaining strategic importance of the thesis of African solutions to African problems or that problems in Africa including those generated by external actors should be solved by Africans. It argued persuasively that Africa’s dependence particularly on external aid and intervention makes it difficult for it to be taken seriously in international relations and cooperation. As a solution to this problem, it called upon the continent to solve its problems without relying on the external actors. It played a leading role in the transformation of the Organisation of African Unity into the African Union. In the process, it paved a way for it to be a member of BRICS and for its acceptance as a permanent member of the United Nations Security Council.
On the global front, South Africa became one of the leaders of the Non-Aligned Movement and the United Nations and calling for the transformation of its Security Council. It forged and sustains closer political, economic and trade relations with Brazil, Russia, India and China. Its role on this issue contributed to the formation of the India-Brazil-South Africa Dialogue Forum.
South Africa’s global engagement works to achieve “a better life for its people both at home” and externally. It shoulders responsibility to “the people it represents” including those beyond its borders in its conduct of international relations.234 It works to achieve “a better world for all” not only “a better life for its people” and a better Africa in a better world. Its vision of “a better world for all” is shaped by the philosophy of Ubuntu or humanity. As the philosophy shaping its vision of this just and equitable world, it defines “who South Africans are and how they relate to others. We affirm our humanity when we affirm the humanity of others.”235 According to the state:
In the modern world of globalization, a constant element is and has to be our common humanity. We therefore champion collaboration, cooperation and building partnerships over conflict. This recognition of our interconnectedness and interdependency, and the infusion of Ubuntu into the South African identity, shapes our foreign policy.236
South Africa links its process of development and progress with that of the African continent.237 Central to this process are the structural need for prosperity, peace, stability and security on the continent. Political governance conducive for the achievement and sustenance of these issues is of paramount importance. This socio-political and economic imperative requires that the country plays a leadership role in their advancement continentally. This explains, among others, why South Africa projects its power continentally.
South Africa played a leading role in the transformation of the OAU into the AU and the establishment of NEPAD, the Pan-African Parliament and the African Peer Review Mechanism. Central to the establishment of these organisational mechanisms is to have collective efforts in the transformation of the continent and to achieve sustainable growth, development and progress and for the continent to benefit from its participation in the restructured global multilateral institutions and organisations as well as to actively contribute to their restructuring.
South Africa played a leading role in calling upon Africa to solve its problems. It has been working with some of its African Union partners in the efforts to solve the continent’s problems. Despite its political, economic, financial, trade, human resources development, technological and military strength and resources, it views its role in the resolution of Africa’s problems in terms of contribution and cooperation not only with other African countries, but also with other countries beyond the continent. Briefly, its Africa policy is characterised by the fact that the efforts by the continent to resolve its problems need a global cooperation and support. It is for this reason, among others, that South Africa projects its power globally. It mobilises global support and cooperation in the interests of the continent. This has led it in playing a leading role in the relationship between the continent and the rest of the world. It has been trying to do justice to this role by serving as an important global actor in advancing the restructuring of the global governance system and its organisations and institutions such as the United Nations and its Security Council, the International Monetary Fund, the World Bank and the World Trade Organisation. As an important global actor and the regional and continental power, the rest of the world needs South Africa to work with it in its relations and cooperation with the continent. This need is served, among others, by BRICS of which South Africa is a member.
South Africa, a country whose state and the ruling party are regarded correctly by advanced capitalist countries particularly the United States of America as too independent and principled on key continental and global issues, developments and processes, is in a better position in contributing towards the realisation of Africa’s forward movement towards popular development and progress and in taking initiatives to lead other African countries in the transformation of the continent as a prosperous, peaceful, democratic and truly independent and united formation. The qualitative movement forward towards the achievement of this strategic objective is critical for the continent to be an active player in the creation of a progressive, just and equitable world238.
One of the strategic areas in which South Africa is expected to play a leading role in Africa is the relationship between the continent and its BRICS partners. For the continent and its people to substantially benefit from its relationship with Brazil, Russia, India and China, Africa should have a collective strategic response to their intensified expansion into the continent and its impact on its development and progress prospects. This is the case given various reasons. These reasons are given by Fantu Cheru in his analysis of Africa-China relations. According to him:
Though China’s rise poses a number of challenges, the opportunities should outweigh the threats if managed correctly. Regrettably, missing from the new China-Africa cooperation arrangement is a clear and coordinated policy strategy by African leaders on how to engage China constructively. While China knows what it wants from Africa, African countries have yet to develop a common framework on how to negotiate with China from a stronger and better-informed platform239.
Pointing out that this “lack of collective African response towards China poses a number” of “security, environmental and governance risks” and “economic threats,” Fantu Cheru concludes that:
The lack of progress in building the key institutional foundations for democratic governance further compounds the problems of establishing a mutually beneficial relationship between China and Africa. Much of the Chinese onslaught on Africa is being facilitated with the explicit consent of parasitic and unaccountable African elites. At the moment, the scramble for resources passes over the doorsteps of governing African elites where concessions are sold and royalties are collected. Chinese companies have therefore been able to thrive in African countries where the legal and regulatory frameworks (i.e. environmental and labour standards) are very weak or non-existent.240
South Africa should shoulder more responsibility in playing a leading role in the formulation and implementation of this strategic collective policy response to the intensified expansion of its BRICS partners into the continent and its impact on its development and progress prospects. Playing such a pivotal role it will be supporting in practice the fact that it is a leader of Africa internally within the continent and globally in the relationship between the continent and the rest of the world. It is in a better position than any other African country not only given the fact that it is a member of BRICS, but also because of its position in a hierarchy of political, economic, financial, trade, human capital or human resources development, technological and military international power relations that extends from the United States of America at the centre of capitalism to the African continent at the periphery of capitalism. Directly related to this reality, among others, are its relatively high level of national development compared to that of other African countries, competition among advanced capitalist countries, competition among its BRICS partners and competition among other countries for the relative larger market it provides. It is their key African trading partner. Its relative higher economic, financial, trade, human capital, technological and transportation infrastructural standing compared to that of other African countries enables it to play a key role in the resolution of conflicts in Africa without relying on the external actors and institutions and organisations they control.
South Africa’s intermediate position in international power relations helps to explain its crucial role in African affairs and the fact that there is a higher level of expectations from the rest of the continent and the world for it to play an increased role not only in continental affairs, but also between the continent and the rest of the world, particularly advanced capitalist countries and its BRICS partners. It is expected to play a crucial role in Africa’s socio-political and economic transformation. Fidel Castro, in his address to the South African Parliament in Cape Town on 4 September 1998, articulated this higher level of demands and expectations as follows:
From the new South Africa, the hope of a new Africa can emerge. Looked at economically, from the industrial, agricultural, technological and scientific points of view, South Africa is the most developed country on the African continent. Its energy and mineral resources are innumerable and in many of them, South Africa is very highly ranked world-wide. Today, South Africa produces 50% of the electricity of the entire continent, 85% of the steel and 97% of the coal. It accounts for the transport of 69% of all the railway freight, has 32% of all motorized vehicles, and 45% of all paved roads on the continent.241
According to Castro, the new South Africa is not only “the hope” for the emergence of “a new Africa,” but also for the emergence of a new world. It is also the hope for the emergence of a new world in the sense that “tomorrow” it “could become the example of brotherhood and justice”242 or “a model of a more just and more humane future.”243
An increased role of South Africa in African affairs will be highly appreciated at this point in time in the history of the continent to forge and sustain African solidarity and unity. This role is necessary to provide what Isaac Mogotsi refers to as the African Union’s “diplomatic leadership” so as to solve “a disconcerting disarray and lack of diplomatic coordination among African Union member states.”244 Conflicts in Ivory Coast and Libya tangibly exposed this lack of diplomatic coordination among African Union members. Advanced capitalist countries determined the course of events in these countries by successfully ensuring the replacement of Laurent Gbagbo with Alassane Quattara as the president of Ivory Coast and the removal of Muammar Gaddafi from power in 2011. These conflicts point to shameful and undisguised diplomatic divisions, as well as public and noisy disagreements among AU states themselves, which will weaken African unity for many years to come, if not checked, properly addressed and handled by the AU diplomatic leadership. Such a moment of African disunity within the AU, in the full glare of the world, opens up Africa to further and deeper interference by external powers in African affairs.245
Eddy Maloka, Special Advisor to Maite Nkoana-Mashabane, Minister of International Relations and Cooperation of South Africa maintained that as a result of these developments in Africa, especially in Ivory Coast and Libya, an increasing number of African countries began to raise four key questions about the African Union, particularly its Commission. These questions are, firstly, how relevant and effective is the African Union Commission as “the engine room” of the African Union? Secondly, how should the African Union Commission account to the African Union members, especially at “the moments of crisis when Africa’s interests are at stake?” Thirdly, how should the continent respond to the regime change agenda of the advanced capitalist countries which increasingly “abuse the principle of “responsibility to protect” in “the international peace and security architecture?” Fourthly, how to Africans get their continent to “focus on its priorities and challenges,” not on what is determined by external actors?246 Maintaining that the question is how the African Union Commission has represented the African Union in responding to this geopolitical reality, Maloka concluded that countries that wanted change at the leadership of the African Union Commission are not happy with how it has played its role in responding to this reality. Central to these four questions is the question as to how Africans relate to the dominant external actors in international relations and cooperation in the struggle for a truly independent Africa.247
South Africa is called upon to play a leading role in ensuring the independence of African institutions entrusted with safeguarding the interests of the continent from internal and external threats. Tanzania has emphasized the point that South Africa should use its political, economic, financial, trade, human resources development, technological and military resources in the advancement of the interests, demands and needs of the continent.
Julius Kambarage Nyerere in his address to the South African Parliament on 16 October 1996 asked South Africa to increase its cooperation with other African countries. Why should it increase its cooperation with other African countries? His position is that it has “absolutely no choice” except to “seriously work” with other African countries. He explains his point as follows:
The power that Germany has is European power, and the Europeans are moving together. The small and the big are working together. It is absurd for Africa to think that we, these little countries of Africa, can do it alone.248
He concluded his address by echoing Kwame Nkrumah’s approach to African unity as follows:
Africa is beginning to realise and we should all encourage Africa to get that realisation more and more that we have to depend upon ourselves, both at national level and at the collective level. Each of our countries will have to rely upon its own human resources and natural material resources for its development. But that is not enough. The next area to look at is our collectivity, our working together. We will enhance our capacity to develop if we work together.249