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Описание критериев оценочных материалом для проведения промежуточной аттестации в форме кандидатского экзамена (1 ЧАСТЬ).

Процедура оценивания

Шкала и критерии оценки, балл

Часть 1:

1) письменный перевод иноязычного текста по специальности аспиранта на русский язык. Текст является оригинальным, неадаптированным, имеет научный стиль изложения, объем текста-1600п.зн.

2) письменные ответы на английском языке на вопросы по тексту, 5 вопросов, объем ответа по каждому вопросу -180-200 слов.

35-20 баллов - текст переведен полностью, адекватно, с сохранением всех слов, выражений, без искажения смысла оригинального текста. Представленный перевод соответствует стилю оригинального текста и нормам русского языка. При ответах на вопросы коммуникативная задача решена, представлены ответы на все пять вопросов, в ответе присутствуют слова-связки, мысли выражены логично, использована терминология по специальности, верно и грамотно употреблен широкий спектр грамматических форм, в т.ч. сложные грамматические конструкции (неличные формы глагола (инфинитив, причастие, герундий) /обороты с неличными формами глагола), модальные глаголы, косвенная речь, страдательный залог). 

19-16 баллов - текст переведен практически полностью, достаточно адекватно, большинство слов, выражений сохранены без искажения смысла оригинального текста. Представленный перевод в целом соответствует стилю оригинального текста и нормам русского языка. При ответах на вопросы коммуникативная задача в основном решена, представлены ответы на четыре (из пяти) вопросов, в ответе присутствуют некоторые слова-связки, мысли выражены достаточно логично, использована некоторая терминология по специальности, употреблен некоторый спектр грамматических форм, в т.ч. некоторые грамматические конструкции (неличные формы глагола (инфинитив, причастие, герундий), модальные глаголы в настоящем времени, страдательный залог). 

15-11 баллов - текст переведен не полностью, не совсем адекватно, некоторые слов, выражения опущены, что искажает смысл оригинального текста. Представленный перевод не в полной мере соответствует стилю оригинального текста и нормам русского языка. При ответах на вопросы коммуникативная задача решена не полностью, представлены ответы на три (из пяти вопросов), в ответе имеется небольшое количество слов-связок, мысли выражены нелогично, терминология по специальности ограничена, использованы базовые грамматические конструкции, сложные грамматические формы (инфинитив, причастие, герундий) /обороты с неличными формами глагола), модальные глаголы, косвенная речь, страдательный залог) отсутствуют.

10-4 балла - представлена только половина переведенного оригинального текста, перевод не является адекватным, слова и выражения, передающие основную мысль опущены, смысл оригинального текста искажен. Представленный перевод не соответствует стилю оригинального текста и нормам русского языка. При ответах на вопросы коммуникативная задача не решена, представлены ответы на два (из пяти вопросов), в ответах отсутствуют слова-связки, мысли выражены нелогично, терминология по специальности практически отсутствует, использованы базовые грамматические конструкции, имеются ошибки в их оформлении.

3-1 балл - перевод выполнен на одну треть, основная мысль не передана, слова и выражения переведены урывками, с нарушением основной мысли оригинального текста и искажением смысла. Стиль оригинального текста не соблюден, нормы русского языка нарушены. При ответах на вопросы  коммуникативная задача непонятна и не решена, представлены ответы на один (из пяти вопросов), в ответе отсутствуют слова-связки, нет терминологии, базовые грамматические конструкции использованы с ошибками.

0 баллов-перевод текста отсутствует 






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Задания для проведения промежуточной аттестации в форме кандидатского экзамена (1 ЧАСТЬ)

п/п

Задания для проведения промежуточной аттестации

Результаты обучения

Текст









Read and translate the text. Answer the questions after the text.
There is no easy escape from America’s debt-ceiling mess

https://www.economist.com/united-states/2023/01/23/there-is-no-easy-escape-from-americas-debt-ceiling-mess

Reference date: 23.01.2023
America, when Republicans in Congress face off with a Democratic president over the debt ceiling, is exceptional. This legal limit on the amount of debt issued by the Treasury is periodically raised — but never by enough to avoid a repeated standoff. Without a bipartisan political deal to raise the ceiling America would be in dangerous territory, bumbling into pointless default.
On January 19th Janet Yellen, the treasury secretary, announced that the country had hit its maximum debt (of $31.381trn) and that she had begun taking “extraordinary measures”—accounting tricks such as deferring pension investments to conserve cash. These measures, which have become routine, buy several months before the calamity actually arrives, called the “X-date”. The last close call, in 2011 when Barack Obama was president and Joe Biden was vice-president, was resolved with only days to spare, spooking stockmarkets and leading one rating agency to downgrade the federal government’s credit. The impasse of 2023 may well be just as dramatic.
Republicans, who have newly taken control of the House of Representatives, say that they cannot abide runaway spending and must rein it in. This deep concern is episodic. When Donald Trump was president, the debt ceiling was increased three times with Republican support, and the national debt rose by $8trn over his term ($3.2trn of which came before Covid-induced spending began in 2020). Those increases were not particularly contentious, and the White House wishes the same for this one. “Raising the debt ceiling is not a negotiation; it is an obligation of this country and its leaders to avoid economic chaos,” Mr Biden’s press secretary said in a statement released on January 20th.
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Women are revitalising funeral services in America

https://www.economist.com/united-states/2022/12/01/women-are-revitalising-funeral-services-in-america

Reference date: 01.12.2022
Not long ago one could admire Crystal Jovae Coratti’s handiwork from the audience at Chicago’s prestigious Goodman Theatre. Ms Coratti designed costumes and powdered actors with make-up. For “The Iceman Cometh” she distressed the trousers and clothes worn by a group of revellers looking for redemption at a bar in New York. These days Ms Coratti displays her talents in a less lively venue: a funeral home. To the surprise of family and friends she became a funeral director and embalmer, trading actors for cadavers. “Almost everyone was pretty gobsmacked because it was so out of left field,” she says.
Like graves in a forlorn cemetery, American burial traditions lay undisturbed for most of the 20th century. Interment was the standard practice, funeral homes were owned and run by families and most memorial-services directors were men. But traditions are changing.
These days nearly 60% of Americans are opting for cremation, a cheaper and more flexible alternative to burial (in a costlier option, some firms let you launch your relative’s ashy remains into space.) Funeral homes also are withering: since 2010 more than 1,000 have closed, and between 2011 and 2018 enrolment in mortuary schools dropped by nearly 20%. And women are now revitalising the industry.
In 2021 accredited mortuary-science programmes churned out more than 1,500 embalmers and funeral directors. About 70% were women—and their share among first-year students is growing. “When we think about who is a funeral director, we typically think white male. That is no longer the case,” says Leili McMurrough, president of Worsham College of Mortuary Science in Illinois and chair of the accreditation board for mortician schools. It also is no longer the case that funeral services is an exclusive family trade. Ms McMurrough reckons only a tenth of Worsham’s graduates come from legacy funeral homes.
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Racial discrimination in mortgage lending has declined sharply in America

https://www.economist.com/united-states/2022/11/24/racial-discrimination-in-mortgage-lending-has-declined-sharply-in-america

Reference date: 24.11.2022
“Atlanta’s black neighbourhoods are under attack.” So wrote the editors of the Atlanta Journal-Constitution in May of 1988 upon the release of “The Colour of Money”, a series of articles documenting racial disparities in mortgage lending in Georgia’s most populous city. The Pulitzer Prize-winning investigation, which analysed $6bn-worth of home loans made over six years, found that Atlanta banks made five times as many loans to white neighbourhoods as black ones, and rejected black applicants four times as often. The reaction was swift. Demonstrators marched through bank lobbies, the NAACP urged black residents to withdraw their bank deposits and the Justice Department launched an investigation into discriminatory lending practices.
Much has changed in the 35 years since “The Colour of Money”, and yet racial disparities in mortgage lending remain. Data reported under the Home Mortgage Disclosure Act (HMDA) show that 15% of black applicants were denied conventional mortgage loans in 2021, compared with just 6% of white applicants, a ratio of more than two-to-one. Black homeowners seeking to refinance their existing loans were rejected 24% of the time, compared with 12% of the time for whites. Some lenders have been singled out. A recent analysis by Bloomberg News found that Wells Fargo, a bank, approved less than half of refinancing applications filed by black homeowners in 2020, compared with nearly three-quarters of those filed by white customers.
To many Americans, such wide discrepancies in lending are proof of discrimination. A survey conducted in 2020 by the Pew Research Centre, a think-tank, found that 49% of American adults—and 86% of African-Americans—believe that black people are treated less fairly than white people when applying for a mortgage. But bankers have long argued that imbalances in mortgage approval rates reflect underlying differences in creditworthiness, not racial bias. Indeed African-Americans fare significantly worse than whites on several key lending criteria. Credit scores of black borrowers, for example, are about 8% lower than those of white borrowers. Their debt-to-income levels, meanwhile, are about 10% higher. Black borrowers have much higher loan delinquency rates, too.
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As Lula takes over, Brazil’s economic prospects are looking up

https://www.economist.com/the-americas/2023/01/26/as-lula-takes-over-brazils-economic-prospects-are-looking-up

Reference date: 26.01.2023
At first glance Lula’s second presidential act looks badly timed. In 2002 Luiz Inácio Lula da Silva inherited an economy that had just been subjected to wrenching reforms. Lula governed capably, but was bolstered by friendly global forces: soaring demand for Brazil’s commodity exports, low global interest rates and a sagging dollar. He left office in 2010, having presided over average annual growth of 4.5%, a 50% increase in average Brazilian incomes, and a hefty drop in unemployment, poverty and government debt.
Yet during last year’s election campaign, few thought Lula’s second stint as president would be as lucky. He inherits an economy hardly richer than the one he bequeathed his successor, Dilma Rousseff. Under her, the country plunged into a deep recession; her impeachment over a corruption scandal tarnished Lula’s Workers’ Party (PT). The economy still bears the scars of the pandemic, which killed nearly 1m Brazilians and knocked 4% off GDP. Gross government debt now stands at 88% of GDP—an eye-watering level for an emerging market with a history of macroeconomic crises—while inflation is well above the central bank’s target. Most disconcertingly, he takes the reins of a country which suffered serious damage to its environment and its democratic institutions under Jair Bolsonaro, his Trumpish predecessor, whose supporters stormed government buildings in the capital, Brasília, in early January.
So Lula does indeed have his work cut out. Brazil sorely needs investment in its infrastructure, as well as spending on education to train Brazilian workers for better jobs and to make up for learning lost during the pandemic. The Amazon rainforest, the health of which depends on efforts to strengthen and enforce rules against deforestation, will require more spending. So will poverty; it soared during the pandemic, after falling for much of the 2010s. Enacting policies to meet these needs means not only maintaining unity in the congressional coalition led by the pt, but also mastering difficult budget arithmetic.
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What does China’s reopening mean for Latin America?

https://www.economist.com/the-americas/2023/01/18/what-does-chinas-reopening-mean-for-latin-america

Reference date: 18.01.2023
Chinese investment in other infrastructure appears to be accelerating. A survey by Mexico’s National Autonomous University reckons that of 192 regional infrastructure projects with Chinese involvement undertaken between 2005 and 2021, 57 were carried out in 2020 and 2021. The reasons may have to do with strategic projects linked to strengthening China’s food security. A state-owned firm is building a port 50km (30 miles) north of Lima in order to increase China’s supply of food. (So far the protests in Peru do not appear to have affected it.)
All this has ruffled feathers in Washington. In 2020 Donald Trump’s administration put pressure on Brazil not to allow Huawei, a Chinese telecoms giant, to participate in a 5g auction. The Brazilian government went ahead anyway, but is creating a separate network for government agencies that excludes Huawei. Similarly, the Trump administration extended a loan to Ecuador to help it pay off billions of dollars’ worth of debt to China on the condition that it exclude Chinese telecoms firms from its 5g network. In 2021 the G7 launched “Build Back Better World”, to compete with Chinese infrastructure investment around the world. It was such a flop that it had to be rebranded last year.
South America has less to gain than Central America from cosying up to the United States. Brazil’s relationship with China “just really makes sense”, says Larissa Wachholz, at Brazil’s Centre for International Relations. “It’s beneficial for both sides.” She thinks the investment that is lacking in Latin America—in roads, ports and utilities—is exactly what China can offer. Now that the leftist Luiz Inácio Lula da Silva is in power in Brazil, its government is likely to make more overtures to China.
A few countries are trying to lessen their reliance on the Asian superpower. Although Ecuador’s centre-right president is finalising a free-trade agreement with China, his administration also wants to join the Pacific Alliance, a trade bloc composed of Chile, Colombia, Mexico and Peru. Uruguay, which exports more than 60% of its beef to China, is seeking a free-trade deal with China as well as trying to join other free-trade agreements. Yet across the region, few countries are thinking about how to adapt if China’s comeback turns out to lack the potency of the past. The coming boom may not last long.
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El Salvador’s bitcoin experiment is not paying off

https://www.economist.com/the-americas/2022/11/17/el-salvadors-bitcoin-experiment-is-not-paying-off

Reference date: 17.11.2022
Will the fall in the price of bitcoin following the collapse of FTX, a cryptocurrency exchange, cause El Salvador’s bitcoin-backing president, Nayib Bukele, to reconsider his gamble with the country’s finances? So far Mr Bukele, who made bitcoin legal tender in September 2021, appears defiant. On November 17th he tweeted that his government will buy one bitcoin a day, after not having bought any in almost six months. He has also brushed off any criticism of his decision to buy it using public money. “Stop drinking the elites’ Kool-Aid and take a look at the facts,” he wrote two months ago.
Sadly the facts are dire, at least for El Salvador’s 6.5m people. The country has lost $65m, or two-thirds, of the $105m the social-media obsessed leader has shelled out on the cryptocurrency. (This assumes Mr Bukele can be taken at his word; purchases are tracked using his tweets.) Mr Bukele has claimed these are not really losses, since he has not sold any of the coins—apeing the bitcoin bros who cry that one bitcoin is worth one bitcoin whenever it slumps in price. He also claims that the fall is no big deal as it represents 0.2% of GDP. He reckons that bitcoin boosts tourism.
Even so, the government is cash-strapped. And the losses from Mr Bukele’s bitcoin binge have cost the country in other ways. Analysts and creditors fret that El Salvador will be unable to service its debt, including around $667m due in January. In order to reassure markets that it would avoid a default, the government bought back $565m of its sovereign bonds in September. But that month Fitch, a ratings agency, downgraded the country. El Salvador may turn to China to buy its foreign debt, if a potential free-trade deal is struck.
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Sergio Massa is the only thing standing between Argentina and chaos

https://www.economist.com/the-americas/2022/10/13/sergio-massa-is-the-only-thing-standing-between-argentina-and-chaos

Reference date: 13.10.2022
Walk down Calle Lavalle or Calle Florida in the centre of Buenos Aires and every 20 metres someone will call out “cambio” (exchange), offering to buy dollars at a rate that is roughly double the official one. In supermarkets prices rise every month. Inflation this year is heading for 100%. As it has been several times in the past 50 years Argentina is once again lost in an economic labyrinth mainly of its own making. The distortions have reached danger point. “If this carries on, we’ll see looting of supermarkets again,” says a taxi driver.
At the root of the current instability is a weak and divided Peronist government. Alberto Fernández, the president, owes his job to the decision by Cristina Fernández de Kirchner (no relation), Peronism’s most powerful figure, to pick him as the Peronist candidate and to run herself to be his vice-president. They inherited an economy that their conservative predecessor, Mauricio Macri, had tried, but failed, to fix. He reached a $57bn agreement with the imf to avert disaster. Mr Fernández’s first finance minister, Martín Guzmán, an academic, expanded price and exchange controls, restructured foreign bonds and negotiated a new accord with the IMF.
The fund was more lenient than in the past. Even so, to make the economy viable the agreement requires Argentina to cut the fiscal deficit and the printing of money by the Central Bank to finance the government, and to shore up international reserves. Preferring inflation to austerity, Ms Fernández’s allies in Congress voted against the accord, which was approved with the votes of moderate Peronists and the opposition. When Mr Guzmán tried to implement it, she forced him out in July. That prompted the peso in the street to plunge; demand for the government’s peso bonds dried up. With protests and strikes growing, some feared the government might fall.
The Fernándezes reluctantly turned to Sergio Massa, a third important figure in Peronism, who moved from presiding over the lower house of Congress to heading a beefed up economy ministry. He has brought some calm, albeit not much. His aims, he told Bello in his office in Buenos Aires, are to get inflation down both by cutting the fiscal deficit and by building confidence in the peso with a trade surplus and foreign reserves. “The IMF agreement is an anchor, not an objective,” he says. “It’s useful as a route map.”
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China shows few signs of loosening its zero-Covid policy

https://www.economist.com/china/2022/10/13/china-shows-few-signs-of-loosening-its-zero-Covid-policy

Reference date: 13.10.2022
Will the Communist Party congress mark a turning-point in China’s fight against Covid-19? The week-long event, beginning on October 16th, will see Xi Jinping re-anointed as the party’s leader. Some hope he will use the stage to signal an end to his “zero-Covid policy”, which relies on mass testing, big lockdowns and draconian restrictions to contain outbreaks. But in recent days the People’s Daily, a party mouthpiece, has dimmed those hopes. “Fighting the epidemic is a test of the spirit,” said one commentary in the paper. Another condemned “war-weariness and wishful thinking”.
Much of the public has indeed grown weary of the zero-Covid policy. Whereas China has experienced a much lower death toll from the virus compared with other big countries, its economy is buckling under the weight of virus-related restrictions. The imf expects China’s GDP to grow by just 3.2% this year, much slower than the government’s target. Youth unemployment is close to 20%. China’s commercial hub, Shanghai, suffered a two-month lockdown earlier this year—and may soon close again, amid a spike in cases. The region of Xinjiang has been largely sealed off since the summer owing to multiple outbreaks. An ever-increasing number of people have been caught up in the government’s Covid controls.
Will they ever end? Parsing the People’s Daily is one way to gauge Mr Xi’s intentions. Another is to look at the checklist of things China must do to exit the zero-Covid policy without a big loss of life. So far Mr Xi has approached these tasks with a revealing lack of urgency.
A new vaccination campaign would be an essential first step. Over 90% of the population has received two or more doses of one of China’s vaccines. A recent push to vaccinate more old people has been somewhat successful. But, as of September, only two-thirds of those aged 60 and over had received three doses, the amount needed to greatly reduce the risk of severe illness and death (see chart). Meanwhile, protection from booster shots is fading. In September experts at the Chinese Centre for Disease Control and Prevention argued that the population would have to have a fourth dose of vaccine before the government loosened controls, otherwise the health system would be overwhelmed.
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Can rich countries care for the old without going bust?

https://www.economist.com/international/2022/08/04/can-rich-countries-care-for-the-old-without-going-bust

Reference date: 04.08.2022
“I am in a hurry,” says Conny Helder, a Dutch minister who juggles the portfolios of sport and care for the elderly. She is referring to the second half of her job. The number of Dutch people aged 75 and older is expected almost to double by 2040, to 2.5m. The proportion of Dutch GDP spent looking after the elderly is already among the highest in the world (see chart). Without big changes, it could double by 2050. The share of the workforce helping the sick and frail could rise from one-seventh to one-third, the government fears.
So, on July 4th, Ms Helder announced that the Netherlands would not carry on as before. In future, she said, old people will have to rely more on themselves and less on professional caregivers. Care in a nursing home, which costs the government one-fifth more than looking after people in their own houses, will be a last resort.
The Netherlands is hardly alone in worrying about the coming stress on its finances. In North America and much of Europe the oldest baby-boomers are pushing 80. They will “stretch every part of the system” in America, says David Grabowski, a scholar at Harvard Medical School. Workers who take care of the elderly are ageing themselves. In the OECD, a club mainly of rich countries, their median age is 45, 18 months higher than that of all workers. Labour shortages, already a problem, are bound to get worse. To maintain the current ratio of care workers to people over 65 (which is one to 20), OECD countries would need to find 13.5m more care workers by 2040, a rise of 60%.
Few promises are harder for governments to keep than to provide good care to the next generation of the elderly. A survey in 2020 by the OECD found that the availability of affordable old-age care is among people’s biggest worries about the future. Pensioners already claim a big slice of governmental budgets, and the share will only rise as their numbers swell. Yet governments are loth to pay by taxing windfalls from higher property values that have largely benefited older voters. Many are also reluctant to increase immigration, which could help them cope with labour shortages.
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