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responsible for the act of borrowing, and also because the borrowed words
bear, as a rule, the imprint of the sound and graphic form, the morphologi-
cal and semantic structure characteristic of the language they were bor-
rowed from.
WORDS OF NATIVE ORIGIN
Words of native origin consist for the most part of very ancient ele-
ments—Indo-European, Germanic and West Germanic cognates. The bulk
of the Old English word-stock has been preserved, although some words
have passed out of existence. When speaking about the role of the native
element in the English language linguists usually confine themselves to the
small Anglo-Saxon stock of words, which is estimated to make 25—30%
of the English vocabulary.
To assign the native element its true place it is not so important to
count the number of Anglo-Saxon words that have survived up to our
days, as to study their semantic and stylistic character, their word-building
ability, frequency value, collocability.
Almost all words of Anglo-Saxon origin be-
long to very important semantic groups. They
include most of the auxiliary and modal
verbs
(shall, will, must, can, may,
etc.), pronouns (I,
you, he, my, his,
who,
etc.), prepositions
(in, out, on, under,
etc.), numerals
(one, two,
three, four,
etc.) and conjunctions
(and, but, till, as,
etc.). Notional words
of Anglo-Saxon origin include such groups as words denoting parts of the
body
(head, hand, arm, back,
etc.), members of the family and closest
relatives
(farther, mother, brother, son, wife),
natural phenomena and
planets
(snow, rain, wind, sun, moon, star,
etc.), animals
(horse, cow,
sheep, cat),
qualities and properties
(old, young, cold, hot, light, dark,
long),
common actions
(do, make, go, come, see, hear, eat,
etc.), etc.
Most of the native words have undergone great changes in their seman-
tic structure, and as a result are nowadays polysemantic, e.g. the word
fin-
ger
does not only denote a part of a hand as in Old English, but also 1) the
part of a glove covering one of the fingers, 2) a finger-like part in various
machines, 3) a hand of a clock, 4) an index, 5) a unit of measurement.
Highly polysemantic are the words
man, head, hand, go,
etc.
Most native words possess a wide range of lexical and grammatical
valency. Many of them enter a number of phraseological units, e.g. the
word
heel
enters the following units:
heel over head
or
head over heels—
'upside down';
cool one's heel
—'be kept waiting';
show a clean pair of
heels, take to one's heels
—'run away',
turn on one's heels
— 'turn sharply
round', etc.
The great stability and semantic peculiarities of
Anglo-Saxon words account for their great
derivational potential. Most words of native origin make up large clusters
of derived and compound words in the present-day language, e.g. the word
wood
is the basis for the formation of the following words:
wooden,
woody, wooded, woodcraft, woodcutter, woodwork
and many
162
§ 2. Semantic Characteris-
tics and Col-
§ 3. Derivational Potential
others. The formation of new words is greatly facilitated by the fact that
most Anglo-Saxon words are root-words,
New words have been coined from Anglo-Saxon simple word-stems
mainly by means of affixation, word-composition and conversion.
Some linguists contend that due to the large additions to its vocabulary
from different languages, English lost much of its old faculty to form new
words. The great number of compound and derived words in modern Eng-
lish, the diversity of their patterns, the stability and productivity of the pat-
terns and the appearance of new ones testify to the contrary. Such affixes
of native origin as
-ness, -ish,
-ed, un-, mis-
make part of the patterns
widely used to build numerous new words throughout the whole history of
English, though some of them have changed their collocability or have
become polysemantic, e.g. the agent-forming suffix -er, which was in Old
English mostly added to noun-stems, is now most often combined with
verb-stems, besides it has come to form also names of instruments, per-
sons in a certain state or doing something at the moment.
Some native words were used as components of compounds so often
that they have acquired the status of derivational affixes (e. g.
-dom, -
hood, -ly, over-, out-, under-),
others are now semi-affixational mor-
phemes.
1
.
It is noteworthy that to the native element in English we must also re-
fer some new simple words based on words of Anglo-Saxon origin. Words
with a new non-derived stem branch off from primary simple words as a
result of simplification of some derivatives in a cluster of words and their
semantic isolation, as in
king, kind
n
,
kind
a
and
kin
n,
from which all of
them were derived (ср.
OE.
cуninз, cynd, cynde, суn),
or
bless
and
bleed
derived from
blood (ср.
OE.
bledsian, blēdan, blōd).
Sometimes a word
split into two or more words with different forms and meanings (i.e. ety-
mological doublets) due to the difference in function and stress, as is the
case with off and of (from
OE.
of which was stressed as an adverb and
unstressed as a preposition). Dialectal forms of a word may develop into
independent words, as in
one
and
an
(<
OE.
an), whole
and
hale
(<
OE.
hāl).
New root-words based on Anglo-Saxon words also came into being
with the rise of homonyms owing to the split of polysemy.
2
The semantic characteristics, stability and wide collocability of native
words account for their frequency in speech. However there are some
words among them which are now archaic or poetic (e.g.
lore, methinks,
quoth, whilom, ere, welkin,
etc.), or used only as historical terms (e.g.
thane, yeoman
denoting ranks,
stocks
— ‘an instrument of torture’, etc.).
What has been said above shows that the native element, has been
playing a significant role in the English language. To fully estimate the
importance of the native element in English, it is essential to study the role
of English derivational means and semantic development in the life of bor-
rowings, which will be dwelt upon in the sections below.
1
See ‘Word-Formation’, §§ 13, 14, pp. 123-125.
2
See ‘Semasiology’, § 40, p. 47.
6*
163
1. The native element comprises not only the
ancient Anglo-Saxon core but also words
which appeared later as a result of word-
formation, split of polysemy and other processes operative in English.
2. Though not numerous in Modern English, words of Anglo-Saxon
origin must be considered very important due to their marked stability,
specific semantic characteristics, wide collocability, great derivational po-
tential, wide spheres of application and high frequency value.
BORROWINGS
In its 15 century long history recorded in
written manuscripts the English language
happened to come in long and close contact
with several other languages, mainly Latin, French and Old Norse (or
Scandinavian). The great influx of borrowings from these sources can be
accounted for by a number of historical causes. Due to the great influence
of the Roman civilisation Latin was for a long Уте used in England as the
language of learning and religion. Old Norse was the language of the con-
querors who were on the same level of social and cultural development and
who merged rather easily with the local population in the 9th, 10th and the
first half of the 11th century. French (to be more exact its Norman dialect)
was the language of the other conquerors who brought with them a lot of
new notions of a higher social system — developed feudalism, it was the
language of upper classes, of official documents and school instruction
from the middle of the 11th century to the end of the 14th century.
In the study of the borrowed element in English the main emphasis is
as a rule placed on the Middle English period. Borrowings of later periods
became the object of investigation only in recent years. These investiga-
tions have shown that the flow of borrowings has been steady and uninter-
rupted. The greatest number has come from French. They refer to various
fields of social-political, scientific and cultural life. A large portion of bor-
rowings (41%) is scientific and technical terms.
The number and character of borrowed words tell us of the relations
between the peoples, the level of their culture, etc. It is for this reason that
borrowings have often been called the milestones of history. Thus if we go
through the lists of borrowings in English and arrange them in groups ac-
cording to their meaning, we shall be able to obtain much valuable infor-
mation with regard to England’s contacts with many nations. Some bor-
rowings, however, cannot be explained by the direct influence of certain
historical conditions, they do not come along with any new objects or
ideas. Such were for instance the words
air, place, brave, gay
borrowed
from French.
It must be pointed out that while the general historical causes of bor-
rowing from different languages have been studied with a considerable
degree of thoroughness the purely linguistic reasons for borrowing are still
open to investigation.
164
§ 4. Summary
and Conclusions
§ 5. Causes and Ways
of Borrowing
The number and character of borrowings do not only depend on the
historical conditions, on the nature and length of the contacts, but also on
the degree of the genetic and structural proximity of languages concerned.
The closer the languages, the deeper and more versatile is the influence.
This largely accounts for the well-marked contrast between the French and
the Scandinavian influence on the English language. Thus under the influ-
ence of the Scandinavian languages, which were closely related to Old
English, some classes of words were borrowed that could not have been
adopted from non-related or distantly related languages (the pronouns
they, their, them,
for instance); a number of Scandinavian borrowings
were felt as derived from native words (they were of the same root and the
connection between them was easily seen), e.g.
drop
(AS
.
) — drip
(Scand.),
true
(AS.)-
tryst
(Scand.);
the Scandinavian influence even ac-
celerated to a certain degree the development of the grammatical structure
of English.
Borrowings enter the language in two ways: through oral speech (by
immediate contact between the peoples) and through written speech (by
indirect contact through books, etc.).
Oral borrowing took place chiefly in the early periods of history,
whereas in recent times written borrowing gained importance. Words bor-
rowed orally (e.g.
L.
inch, mill, street)
are usually short and they undergo
considerable changes in the act of adoption. Written borrowings (e.g.
Fr.
communiqué, belles-lettres, naïveté)
preserve their spelling and some
peculiarities of their sound-form, their assimilation is a long and laborious
process.
Though borrowed words undergo changes in
the adopting language they preserve some of
their former peculiarities for a comparatively long period. This makes it
possible to work out some criteria for determining whether the word be-
longs to the borrowed element.
In some cases the pronunciation of the word (strange sounds, sound
combinations, position of stress, etc.), its spelling and the correlation be-
tween sounds and letters are an indication of the foreign origin of the word.
This is the case with
wal
tz
(G.),.
ps
ychology
(Gr.),
souffl
é
(Fr.),
etc. The
initial position of the sounds [v], [dз]
,
[з] or of the letters x, j,
z
is a sure
sign that the word has been borrowed, e.g.
volcano
(It.),
vase
(Fr.),
vaccine
(L.)
, jungle
(Hindi),
gesture
(L.),
giant
(OFr.),
zeal
(L.),
zero
(Fr.),
zinc
(G.), etc.
The morphological structure of the word and its grammatical forms
may also bear witness to the word being adopted from another language.
Thus the suffixes in the words neurosis (Gr.) and
violoncello (It.)
betray the
foreign origin of the words. The same is true of the irregular plural forms
papyr
a
(from
papyrus, Gr.), pastora
li
(from
pastorale, It.), beaux
(from
beau, Fr.), bacteri
a
,
(from
bacterium, L.)
and the like.
Last but not least is the lexical meaning of the word. Thus the concept
denoted by the words
ricksha(w), pagoda
(Chin.)
make us suppose that
we deal with borrowings.
These criteria are not always helpful. Some early borrowings have be-
come so thoroughly assimilated that they are unrecognisable without
165
§ 6. Criteria of Borrowings
a historical analysis, e.g.
chalk, mile
(L.),
ill, ugly
(Scand.),
enemy
,
car
(Fr.),
etc. It must also be taken into consideration that the closer the rela-
tion between the languages, the more difficult it is to distinguish borrow-
ings.
Sometimes the form of the word and its meaning in Modern English
enable us to tell the immediate source of borrowing. Thus if the digraph
ch
is sounded as [∫], the word is a late French borrowing (as in
echelon,
chauffeur, chef);
if it stands for [k], it came through Greek
(archaic, archi-
tect, chronology);
if it is pronounced as [t∫], it is either an early-borrowing
(chase,
OFr.; cherry, L., OFr.; chime, L.),
or a word of Anglo-Saxon ori-
gin (choose,
child, chin).
It is now essential to analyse the changes that
borrowings have undergone in the English
language and how they have adapted them-
selves to its peculiarities.
All the changes that borrowed elements undergo may be divided into
two large groups.
On the one hand there are changes specific of borrowed words only.
These changes aim at adapting words of foreign origin to the norms of the
borrowing language, e.g. the consonant combinations [pn], [ps], [pt] in the
words pneumatics, psychology,
Ptolemy
of Greek origin were simplified
into [n], [s], [t], since the consonant combinations [ps], [pt], [pn], very fre-
quent at the end of English words (as in
sleeps
,
stopped
, etc.), were never
used in the initial position. For the same reason the initial [ks] was
changed into [z] (as in
Gr.
xylophone
).
The suffixes
-ar, -or, -ator
in early Latin borrowings were replaced by
the highly productive Old English suffix
-ere,
as in
L.
Caesar
>OE.
Ca-
sere
,
L.
sutor>
OE
. sūtere.
By analogy with the great majority of nouns that form their plural in
-s
,
borrowings, even very recent ones, have assumed this inflection instead of
their original plural endings. The forms Soviets, bolsheviks, kolkhozes,
sputniks illustrate the process.
On the other hand we observe changes that are characteristic of both
borrowed and native words. These changes are due to the development of
the word according to the laws of the given language. When the highly
inflected Old English system of declension changed into the simpler sys-
tem of Middle English, early borrowings conformed with the general rule.
Under the influence of the so-called inflexional levelling borrowings like
lазu
,
(MnE.
law), fēōlaza
(MnE.
fellow), stræt
(MnE.
street), disc
(MnE.
dish) that had a number of grammatical forms in Old English acquired
only three forms in Middle English: common case and possessive case
singular and plural (fellow, fellowes, fellowes).
It is very important to discriminate between the two processes — the
adaptation of borrowed material to the norms of the language and the de-
velopment of these words according to the laws of the language.
This differentiation is not always easily discernible. In most cases we
must resort to historical analysis before we can draw any definite conclu-
sions. There is nothing in the form of the words procession and,
166
§ 7. Assimila-
tion of Bor-