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words that are usually considered synonymous, e.g.
to die, to pass away;
to begin, to commence,
etc., we find that the connotational component or,
to be more exact, the stylistic reference of these words is entirely different
and it is only the similarity of the denotational meaning that makes them
synonymous. The words, e.g.
to die, to walk, to smile,
etc., may be con-
sidered identical as to their stylistic reference or emotive charge, but as
there is no similarity of denotational meaning they are never felt as syn-
onymous words.
Thirdly, it does not seem possible to speak of i d e n t i t y o f
m e a n i n g as a criterion of synonymity since identity of meaning is
very rare even among monosemantic words. In fact, cases of complete
synonymy are very few and are, as a rule, confined to technical nomencla-
tures where we can find monosemantic terms completely identical in
meaning as, for example,
spirant
and
fricative
in phonetics. Words in
synonymic sets are in general differentiated because of some element of
opposition in each member of the set. The word
handsome,
e.g., is distin-
guished from its synonym
beautiful
mainly because the former implies the
beauty of a male person or broadly speaking only of human beings,
whereas
beautiful
is opposed to it as having no such restrictions in its
meaning.
Thus it seems necessary to modify the traditional definition and to
formulate it as follows: synonyms are words different in sound-form but
similar in their denotational meaning or meanings. Synonymous relation-
ship is observed o n l y between similar denotational meanings of phone-
mically different words.
Differentiation of synonyms may be observed in different semantic
components — de n o t a t i o n a l or c o n n o t a t i o n a l .
It should be noted, however, that the difference in denotational mean-
ing cannot exceed certain limits, and is always combined with some com-
mon denotational component. The verbs
look, seem, appear,
e.g., are
viewed as members of one synonymic set as all three of them possess a
common denotational semantic component “to be in one’s view, or judge-
ment, but not necessarily in fact” and come into comparison in this mean-
ing (cf.
he seems
(looks), (appears),
tired).
A more detailed analysis
shows that there is a certain difference in the meaning of each verb:
seem
suggests a personal opinion based on evidence
(e.g.
nothing
seems right
when one is out of sorts); look
implies that opinion is based on a visual
impression (e.g.
the city looks its worst in March), appear
sometimes
suggests a distorted impression (e.g.
the setting sun made the spires ap-
pear ablaze).
Thus similarity of denotational meaning of all members of
the synonymic series is combined with a certain difference in the meaning
of each member.
It follows that relationship of synonymity implies certain differences in
the denotational meaning of synonyms. In this connection a few words
should be said about the traditional classification of vocabulary units into
ideographic and stylistic synonyms. This classification proceeds from the
assumption that synonyms may differ e i t h e r in the denotational mean-
ing (ideographic synonyms) оr the connotational meaning, or to be more
exact stylistic reference. This assumption cannot be accepted as synony-
mous words always differ in the denotational component
56
??? ??? ???e?e?. Thus
buy
and
purchase
are similar in meaning but dif-
fer in their stylistic reference and therefore are not completely inter-
changeable. That department of an institution which is concerned with ac-
quisition of materials is normally the
Purchasing Department
rather than
the
Buying Department.
A wife however would rarely ask her husband
to
purchase
a pound of butter. It follows that practically no words are substi-
tutable for one another in all contexts.
This fact may be explained as follows: firstly, words synonymous in
some lexical contexts may display no synonymity in others. As one of the
English scholars aptly remarks, the comparison of the sentences
the rain-
fall in April was abnormal
and
the rainfall in April was exceptional
may give us grounds for assuming that
exceptional
and
abnormal
are
synonymous. The same adjectives in a different context are by no means
synonymous, as we may see by comparing
my son is exceptional
and
my
son is abnormal.
1
Secondly, it is evident that interchangeability alone cannot serve as a
criterion of synonymity. We may safely assume that synonyms are words
interchangeable in some contexts. But the reverse is certainly not true as
semantically different words of the same part of speech are, as a rule, in-
terchangeable in quite a number of contexts. For example, in the sentence
I saw a little girl playing in the garden
the adjective
little
may be for-
mally replaced by a number of semantically different adjectives, e.g.
pretty, tall, English,
etc.
Thus a more acceptable definition of synonyms seems to be the follow-
ing: s y n o n y m s a r e w o r d s d i f f e r e n t in t h e i r
sound- f or m, but s i m i l a r in t h e i r d e n o t a t i o n a l
m e a n i n g or m e a n i n g s a n d i n t e r c h a n g e a b l e at
l e a s t in s o m e c o n t e x t s .
T he E ngl is h wor d-st oc k is ext r emel y
rich in synonyms which can be largely ac-
counted for by abundant borrowing. Quite a
number of words in synonymic sets are usually of Latin or French origin.
For instance, out of thirteen words making up the set
see, behold, descry,
espy, view, survey, contemplate, observe, notice, remark, note, dis-
cern, perceive
only
see
and
behold
can be traced back to Old English
(OE.
seon
and
behealdan),
all others are either French or Latin borrow-
ings.
Thus a characteristic pattern of English synonymic sets is the pattern
including the native and the borrowed words. Among the best investigated
are the so-called double-scale patterns: native versus Latin (e.g.
bodily —
corporal, brotherly — fraternal);
native versus Greek or French (e.g.
answer — reply, fiddle — violin).
In most cases the synonyms differ
in
their stylistic reference, too. The native word is usually colloquial (e.g.
bodily, brotherly),
whereas the borrowed word may as a rule be described
as bookish or highly literary (e.g.
corporal, fraternal).
Side by side with this pattern there exists in English a subsidiary one
based on a triple-scale of synonyms; native — French, and Latin or
1
R. Quirk.
The Use of English. London, 1962, p. 129.
58
§ 49. Patterns of Synonymic
Sets in Modern English
Greek (e.g.
begin (start) — commence
(Fr.) —
initiate (L.); rise —
mount
(Fr.) —
ascend
(L.). In most of these sets the native synonym is
felt as more colloquial, the Latin or Greek one is characterised by bookish
stylistic reference, whereas the French stands between the two extremes.
There are some minor points of interest that should be discussed in con-
nection with the problem of synonymy. It has often been found that sub-
jects prominent in the interests of a community tend to attract a large
number of synonyms. It is common knowledge that in “Beowulf” there are
37 synonyms for
hero
and at least a dozen for
battle
and
fight.
The same
epic contains 17 expressions for
sea
to which 13 more may be added from
other English poems of that period. In Modern American English there are
at least twenty words used to denote money:
beans, bucks, the chips, do-
re-mi, the needful, wherewithal,
etc. This linguistic phenomenon is usu-
ally described as t h e l a w of s y n o n y m i c a t t r a c t i o n .
It has also been observed that when a particular word is given a transferred
meaning its synonyms tend to develop along parallel lines. We know that
in early New English the verb
overlook
was employed in the meaning of
‘look with an evil eye upon, cast a spell over’ from which there developed
the meaning ‘deceive’ first recorded in 1596. Exactly half a century later
we find
oversee
a synonym of
overlook
employed in the meaning of ‘de-
ceive’.
1
This form of analogy active in the semantic development of syno-
nyms is referred to as r a d i a t i o n of s y n o n y m s .
Another feature of synonymy is that the bulk of synonyms may be referred
to stylistically marked words, i.e. they possess a peculiar connotational
component of meaning. This can be observed by examining the synonyms
for the stylistically neutral word
money
listed above. Another example is
the set of synonyms for the word
girl
(young female):
doll, flame, skirt,
tomato, broad, bag, dish,
etc. all of which are stylistically marked. Many
synonyms seem to possess common emotive charge.
Thus it was found that according to Roget
2
44 synonyms of the word
whiteness
imply something favourable and pleasing to contemplate
(pu-
rity, cleanness, immaculateness,
etc.).
Antonymy in general shares many features
typical of synonymy. Like synonyms, perfect
or complete antonyms are fairly rare.
It is usual to find the relations of antonymy restricted to certain con-
texts. Thus
thick
is only one of the antonyms of
thin
(a thin slice—a thick
slice), another is
fat (a thin man—a fat man).
The definition of antonyms as words characterised by semantic polar-
ity or opposite meaning is open to criticism on the points discussed al-
ready in connection with synonymy. It is also evident that the term o p -
p o s i t e m e a n i n g is rather vague and allows of essentially differ-
ent interpretation.
1
In Modern English both words have lost this meaning. See also 'Semasiology', § 15,
p. 24.
2
Roget's Thesaurus of English Words and Phrases.
London, 1962.
59
§ 50. Semantic Contrasts
and Antonymy
If we compare the meaning of the words
kind — ‘
gentle, friendly,
showing love, sympathy or thought for others’ and
cruel
— ‘taking pleas-
ure in giving pain to others, without mercy’, we see that they denote con-
cepts that are felt as completely opposed to each other. Comparing the ad-
jective
kind
and
unkind
we do not find any polarity of meaning as here
semantic opposition is confined to simple negation.
Unkind
may be inter-
preted as
not kind
which does not necessarily mean
cruel,
just as
not
beautiful
does not necessarily mean
ugly.
It is more or less universally recognised that among the cases that are
traditionally described as antonyms there are at least the following four
groups.
1
1. Con t r a d i c t o r i e s which represent the type of semantic rela-
tions that exist between pairs like
dead
and
alive, single
and
married, per-
fect
and
imperfect,
etc.
To use one of the terms is to contradict the other and to use
not
before
one of them is to make it semantically equivalent to the other, cf.
not
dead=alive, not single=married.
Among contradictories we find a subgroup of words of the type
young
— old, big — small,
and so on. The difference between these and the
antonymic pairs described above lies in the fact that to say
not young
is
not necessarily to say
old.
In fact terms like
young
and
old, big
and
small
or
few
and
many
do not represent absolute values. To use one of the terms
is to imply comparison with some norm:
young
means ‘relatively young’.
We can say
She is young but she is older than her sister. To be older
does not mean ‘to be old’.
It is also usual for one member of each pair to always function as the
unmarked or generic term for the common quality involved in both mem-
bers:
age,
size, etc.
This generalised denotational meaning comes to the fore in certain
contexts. When we ask
How old is the baby?
we do not imply that the
baby is old. The question
How big is it?
may be answered by
It is very
big
or
It is very small.
It is of interest to note that quality nouns such as
length, breadth,
width, thickness,
etc. also are generic, i.e. they cover the entire measure-
ment range while the corresponding antonymous nouns
shortness, nar-
rowness, thinness
apply only to one of the extremes.
2. C o n t r a r i e s differ from contradictories mainly because contra-
dictories admit of no possibility between them. One is either
single
or
mar-
ried,
either
dead
or
alive,
etc. whereas contraries admit such possibilities.
This may be observed in
cold — hot,
and
cool
and
warm
which seem to be
intermediate members. Thus we may regard as antonyms not only
cold
and
hot
but also
cold
and
warm.
Contraries may be opposed to each other by the absence or presence of
one of the components of meaning like sex or age. This can be illustrated
by such pairs as
man
—
woman, man — boy.
1
See, e. g.,
Webster’s Dictionary of Synonyms.
Springfield, USA, 1961, Introductory
Matter, Antonyms. Analysis and Definition.
60
3. I n c o m p a t i b l e s. Semantic relations of incompatibility exist
among the antonyms with the common component of meaning and may be
described as the reverse of hyponymy, i.e. as the relations of exclusion but
not of contradiction. To say
morning
is to say
not afternoon, not eve-
ning, not night.
The negation of one member of this set however does not
imply semantic equivalence with the other but excludes the possibility of
the other words of this set. A relation of incompatibility may be observed
between colour terms since the choice of
red,
e.g., entails the exclusion of
black, blue, yellow
and so on. Naturally not all colour terms are incom-
patible. Semantic relations between
scarlet
and
red
are those of hy-
ponymy.
We know that polysemy may be analysed through synonymy. For example,
different meaning of the polysemantic word
handsome
can be singled out
by means of synonymic substitution a
handsome man—a beautiful man;
but a
handsome reward—
a
generous reward. In
some cases polysemy may
be also analysed through antonymy (e.g.
a handsome man
—
an ugly man, a
handsome reward—an insufficient reward,
etc.). This is naturally not to
say that the number of meanings of a polysemantic word is equal to the
number of its antonyms. Not all words or all meanings have antonyms (e.g.
table, book,
etc. have no antonyms). In some cases, however, antonymy
and synonymy serve to differentiate the meanings as in the word
handsome
discussed above. Interchangeability in certain contexts analysed in connec-
tion with synonyms is typical of antonyms as well. In a context where one
member of the antonymous pair can be used, it is, as a rule, interchangeable
with the other member. For instance, if we take the words
dry
and
wet
to
be antonymous, they must be interchangeable in the same context (e.g.
a
wet shirt
—
a dry shirt).
This is not to imply that the same antonyms are
interchangeable in all contexts. It was pointed out above that antonyms that
belong to the group of contraries are found in various antonymic pairs.
Thus, for instance there are many antonyms of
dry
—
damp, wet, moist,
etc.
The interchangeability of each of them with
dry
is confined to certain
contexts. In contrast to
dry air
we select
damp air
and in contrast
to dry
lips—
we would probably use
moist lips.
It is therefore suggested that the term "antonyms" should be used as a
general term to describe words different in sound-form and characterised
by different types of semantic contrast of denotational meaning and inter-
changeability at least in some contexts.
Lexical groups composed of words with se-
mantically and phonemically identical root-
morphemes are usually defined as word-
families or word-clusters. The term itself implies close links between the
members of the group. Such are word-families of the type:
lead, leader, lead-
ership; dark, darken, darkness; form, formal, formality
and others. It
should be noted that members of a word-family as a rule belong to differ-
ent parts of speech and are joined together only by the identity of root-
morphemes. In the word-families discussed above the root-morphemes are
identical not only in
61
§ 5 1 . Semantic Similarity
of Morphemes
and Word-Families