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§ 9. Emotive Charge
Words contain an element of emotive evaluation as part of the connota-
tional meaning; e.g.
a hovel
denotes ‘a small house or cottage’ and besides
implies that it is a miserable dwelling place, dirty, in bad repair and in
general unpleasant to live in. When examining synonyms
large, big, tre-
mendous
and
like, love, worship
or words such as
girl, girlie; dear,
dearie
we cannot fail to observe the difference in the emotive charge of
the members of these sets. The emotive charge of the words
tremendous,
worship
and
girlie
is heavier than that of the words
large, like
and
girl.
This does not depend on the “feeling” of the individual speaker but is true
for all speakers of English. The emotive charge varies in different word-
classes. In some of them, in interjections, e.g., the emotive element pre-
vails, whereas in conjunctions the emotive charge is as a rule practically
non-existent.
The e m o t i v e c h a r g e is one of the objective semantic features
proper to words as linguistic units and forms part of the connotational
component of meaning. It should not be confused with e m o t i v e
i m p l i c a t i o n s that the words may acquire in speech. The emotive
implication of the word is to a great extent subjective as it greatly depends
of the personal experience of the speaker, the mental imagery the word
evokes in him. Words seemingly devoid of any emotional element may
possess in the case of individual speakers strong emotive implications as
may be illustrated, e.g. by the word
hospital.
What is thought and felt
when the word
hospital
is used will be different in the case of an a r chi-
t ect who bui lt it , t he i nva li d st a yi ng t her e a ft er a n op er a t ion,
or the man living across the road.
Words differ not only in their emotive charge but
also in their stylistic reference. Stylistically words
can be roughly subdivided into literary, neutral and colloquial layers.
1
The greater part of the l i t e r а r у l a y e r of Modern English vo-
cabulary are words of general use, possessing no specific stylistic refer-
ence and known as n e u t r a l w o r d s . Against the background of
neutral words we can distinguish two major subgroups — st a n d a r d
c o l l o q u i a l words and l i t e r a r y or b o o k i s h words.
This may be best illustrated by comparing words almost identical in their
denotational meaning, e. g., ‘
parent — father — dad’.
In comparison
with the word
father
which is stylistically neutral,
dad
stands out as col-
loquial and
parent
is felt as bookish. The stylistic reference of standard
colloquial words is clearly observed when we compare them with their
neutral synonyms, e.g.
chum — friend, rot
—
nonsense,
etc. This is also
true of literary or bookish words, such as, e.g.,
to presume (cf. to sup-
pose), to anticipate (cf. to expect)
and others.
Literary (bookish) words are not stylistically homogeneous. Besides
general-literary (bookish) words, e.g.
harmony, calamity, alacrity,
etc.,
we may single out various specific subgroups, namely: 1) terms
or
1
See the stylistic classification of the English vocabulary in
: I. R. Galperin.
Stylistics.
M., 1971, pp. 62-118.
§ 10. Sfylistic Reference
scientific words such as, e g.,
renaissance, genocide, teletype,
etc.; 2)
poetic words and archaisms such as, e.g.,
whilome
— ‘formerly’,
aught
— ‘anything’,
ere
— ‘before’,
albeit
— ‘although’,
fare
— ‘walk’, etc.,
tarry
— ‘remain’,
nay
— ‘no’; 3) barbarisms and foreign words, such as,
e.g.,
bon mot
— ‘a clever or witty saying’,
apropos, faux pas, bouquet,
etc. The colloquial words may be subdivided into:
1)
Common colloquial words.
2)
Slang, i.e. words which are often regarded as a violation of the
norms of Standard English, e.g.
governor
for ‘father’,
missus
for ‘wife’, a
gag
for ‘a joke’,
dotty
for ‘insane’.
3)
Professionalisms, i.e. words used in narrow groups bound by the
same occupation, such as, e.g.,
lab
for ‘laboratory’,
hypo
for ‘hypodermic
syringe’,
a buster
for ‘a bomb’, etc.
4)
Jargonisms, i.e. words marked by their use within a particular social
group and bearing a secret and cryptic character, e.g.
a sucker
— ‘a person
who is easily deceived’,
a squiffer
— ‘a concertina’.
5)
Vulgarisms, i.e. coarse words that are not generally used in public,
e.g.
bloody, hell, damn, shut up,
etc.
6)
Dialectical words, e.g.
lass, kirk,
etc.
7)
Colloquial coinages, e.g.
newspaperdom, allrightnik,
etc.
Stylistic reference and emotive charge of
words are closely connected and to a certain
degree interdependent.
1
As a rule stylistically
coloured words, i.e. words belonging to all stylistic layers except the neu-
tral style are observed to possess a considerable emotive charge. That can
be proved by comparing stylistically labelled words with their neutral
synonyms. The colloquial words
daddy, mammy
are more emotional than
the neutral
father, mother;
the slang words
mum, bob
are undoubtedly
more expressive than their neutral counterparts
silent, shilling,
the poetic
yon
and
steed
carry a noticeably heavier emotive charge than their neutral
synonyms
there
and
horse.
Words of neutral style, however, may also
differ in the degree of emotive charge. We see, e.g., that the words
large,
big, tremendous,
though equally neutral as to their stylistic reference are
not identical as far as their emotive charge is concerned.
1. In the present book word-meaning is
viewed as closely connected but not identical
with either the sound-form of the word or with its referent.
Proceeding from the basic assumption of the objectivity of language
and from the understanding of linguistic units as two-facet entities we re-
gard meaning as the inner facet of the word, inseparable from its outer
facet which is indispensable to the existence of meaning and to intercom-
munication.
1
It should be pointed out that the interdependence and interrelation of the emotive and
stylistic component of meaning is one of the debatable problems in semasiology. Some
linguists go so far as to claim that the stylistic reference of the word lies outside the scope
of its meaning. (See, e. g.,
В. А. Звягинцев.
Семасиология. M
,
1957, с. 167 — 185).
22
§ 1 1 . Emotive Charge and
Stylistic Reference
§ 12. Summary
and Conclusions
2.
The two main types of word-meaning are the grammatical and the
lexical meanings found in all words. The interrelation of these two types
of meaning may be different in different groups of words.
3.
Lexical meaning is viewed as possessing denotational and connota-
tional components.
The denotational component is actually what makes communication
possible. The connotational component comprises the stylistic reference
and the emotive charge proper to the word as a linguistic unit in the given
language system. The subjective emotive implications acquired by words
in speech lie outside the semantic structure of words as they may vary
from speaker to speaker but are not proper to words as units of language.
WORD-MEANING AND MEANING IN MORPHEMES
In modern linguistics it is more or less universally recognised that the
smallest two-facet language unit possessing both sound-form and meaning
is the morpheme. Yet, whereas the phono-morphological structure of lan-
guage has been subjected to a thorough linguistic analysis, the problem of
types of meaning and semantic peculiarities of morphemes has not been
properly investigated. A few points of interest, however, may be men-
tioned in connection with some recent observations in “this field.
It is generally assumed that one of the seman-
tic features of some morphemes which distin-
guishes them from words is that they do not possess grammatical meaning.
Comparing the word man, e.g., and the morpheme man-(in manful, manly,
etc.) we see that we cannot find in this morpheme the grammatical mean-
ing of case and number observed in the word
man.
Morphemes are conse-
quently regarded as devoid of grammatical meaning.
Many English words consist of a single root-morpheme, so when we
say that most morphemes possess lexical meaning we imply mainly the
root-morphemes in such words. It may be easily observed that the lexical
meaning of the word boy and the lexical meaning of the root-morpheme
boy — in such words as
boyhood
,
boyish
and others is very much the
same.
Just as in words lexical meaning in morphemes may also be analysed
into denotational and connotational components. The connotational com-
ponent of meaning may be found not only in root-morphemes but in af-
fixational morphemes as well. Endearing and diminutive suffixes, e.g. -
ette (kitchenette), -ie(y) (dearie, girlie), -ling (duckling),
clearly bear a
heavy emotive charge. Comparing the derivational morphemes with the
same denotational meaning we see that they sometimes differ in connota-
tion only. The morphemes, e.g.
-ly, -like, -ish,
have the denotational
meaning of similarity in the words
womanly, womanlike, womanish
, the
connotational component, however, differs and ranges from the positive
evaluation in
-ly (womanly)
to the derogatory in
-ish (womanish):
1
Stylis-
tic reference may also be found in morphemes of differ-
1
Compare the Russian equivalents: женственный — женский — женоподобный,
бабий.
§ 13. Lexical Meaning
ent types.
The
stylistic value of such derivational morphemes as,
e.g. -ine
(chlorine), -oid (rhomboid), -escence (effervescence)
is clearly per-
ceived to be bookish or scientific.
The lexical meaning of the affixal mor-
phemes is, as a rule, of a more generalising
character. The suffix
-er
, e.g. carries the
meaning ‘the agent, the doer of the action’, the suffix
-less
denotes lack or
absence of something. It should also be noted that the root-morphemes do
not “possess the part-of-speech meaning (cf.
manly, manliness,
to
man);
in derivational morphemes the lexical and the part-of-speech meaning may
be so blended as to be almost inseparable. In the derivational morphemes
-
er
and
-less
discussed above the lexical meaning is just as clearly per-
ceived as their part-of-speech meaning. In some morphemes, however, for
instance
-ment or -ous (as
in
movement or laborious),
it is the part-of-
speech meaning that prevails, the lexical meaning is but vaguely felt.
In some cases the functional meaning predominates. The morpheme
-
ice
in the word
justice,
e.g., seems to serve principally to transfer the part-
of-speech meaning of the morpheme
just
— into another class and namely
that of noun. It follows that some morphemes possess only the functional
meaning, i.e. they are the carriers of part-of-speech meaning.
Besides the types of meaning proper both to
words and morphemes the latter may possess
specific meanings of their own, namely the differential and the distribu-
tional meanings. D i f f e r e n t i a l m e a n i n g is the semantic
component that serves to distinguish one word from all others containing
identical morphemes. In words consisting of two or more morphemes, one
of the constituent morphemes always has differential meaning. In such
words as, e. g.,
bookshelf,
the morpheme
-shelf
serves to distinguish the
word from other words containing the morpheme
book-,
e.g. from
book-
case, book-counter
and so on. In other compound words, e.g.
notebook,
the morpheme
note-
will be seen to possess the differential meaning which
distinguishes
notebook
from
exercisebook, copybook,
etc. It should be
clearly understood that denotational and differential meanings are not mu-
tually exclusive. Naturally the morpheme
-shelf
in
bookshelf
possesses
denotational meaning which is the dominant component of meaning. There
are cases, however, when it is difficult or even impossible to assign any
denotational meaning to the morpheme, e.g.
cran-
in
cranberry,
yet it
clearly bears a relationship to the meaning of the word as a whole through
the differential component (cf.
cranberry
and
blackberry, gooseberry)
which in this particular case comes to the fore. One of the disputable
points of morphological analysis is whether such words as
deceive, re-
ceive, perceive
consist of two component morphemes.
1
If we assume,
however, that the morpheme
-ceive
may be singled out it follows that the
meaning of the morphemes
re-,
per, de-
is exclusively differential, as, at
least synchronically, there is no denotational meaning proper to them.
1
See ‘Word-Structure’, § 2, p. 90. 24
§ 14. Functional
(Parf-of-Speech) Meaning
§ 15. Differential Meaning
Distributional meaning is the meaning
of
the
order and arrangement of morphemes making
up the word. It is found in all words contain-
ing more than one morpheme. The word
singer,
e.g., is composed of two
morphemes
sing-
and
-er
both of which possess the denotational meaning
and namely ‘to make musical sounds’
(sing-)
and ‘the doer of the action’
(-er)
. There is one more element of meaning, however, that enables us to
understand the word and that is the pattern of arrangement of the compo-
nent morphemes. A different arrangement of the same morphemes, e.g.
*ersing,
would make the word meaningless. Compare also
boyishness
and
*nessishboy
in which a different pattern of arrangement of the three mor-
phemes
boy-ish-ness
turns it into a meaningless string of sounds.
1
WORD-MEANING AND MOTIVATION
From what was said about the distributional meaning in morphemes it
follows that there are cases when we can observe a direct connection be-
tween the structural pattern of the word and its meaning. This relationship
between morphemic structure and meaning is termed morphological moti-
vation.
The main criterion in morphological motiva-
tion is the relationship between morphemes.
Hence all one-morpheme words, e.g.
sing, tell, eat,
are by definition non-
motivated. In words composed of more than one morpheme the carrier of
the word-meaning is the combined meaning of the component morphemes
and the meaning of the structural pattern of the word. This can be illus-
trated by the semantic analysis of different words composed of phonemi-
cally identical morphemes with identical lexical meaning. The words
fin-
ger-ring
and
ring-finger,
e.g., contain two morphemes, the combined
lexical meaning of which is the same; the difference in the meaning of
these words can be accounted
for
by the difference in the arrangement of
the component morphemes.
If we can observe a direct connection between the structural pattern of
the word and its meaning, we say that this word is motivated. Conse-
quently words such as
singer, rewrite, eatable,
etc., are described as mo-
tivated. If the connection between the structure of the lexical unit and
its
meaning is completely arbitrary and conventional, we speak
of
non-
motivated or idiomatic words, e.g.
matter, repeat.
It should be noted in passing that morphological motivation is “rela-
tive”, i.e. the degree of motivation may be different. Between the extremes
of complete motivation and lack of motivation, there exist various grades
of partial motivation. The word
endless,
e.g., is completely motivated as
both the lexical meaning of the component morphemes and the meaning of
the pattern is perfectly transparent. The word
cranberry is
1
А. И. Смирницкий.
Лексикология английского языка. М., 1956, с, 18 — 20.
25
§ 16. Distribu-
tional
§ 17. Morphologi-
cal Moti-